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** We Ifervently believe that our only chance of national prosperity 
lies in the timely remodelling of our system, so as to put it as nearly 
as possible upon an equality with the improved management of 
the Americans."— Richard Cobden, 1835. 



The 

Americanization of 
tke World ^ ^ 



The Trend of the Twentieth Century 
By 



W?^i^^ Stead 



Author of "The Truth About Russia," "The Pope and 
the New Era/' "The United States of Europe" 



With Several Interesting Maps 



HORACE MARKLEY 
NEW YORK FmJ^rter LONDON 






110 (sT 

'0 t 



Copyright, J 901 

by 

HORACE MARia,EY 

All Rights Reserved 



Copyright, J 902 

by 

HORACE MARKLEY 

All Rights Reserved 



CONTENTS 



PART I 

THE UNITED STATES AND THE BRITISH EMPIRE 

Chapter I The English-speaking World — page J 

" II The Basis for Reunion^page 17 

** ni The Americanization of Ireland — page 27 

" rV Of South Africa— page 51 

" V Of the West Indies and Thereafeoots— page 70 

" VI Of Newfoundland and Canada — page 83 

" VII Of Australia— page 123 

** VHI A Crucible of Nations — page 145 



PART n 

THE REST OF THE WORLD 

Chapter I Europe — page 16 J 

" n The Ottoman Empire — page 183 

" m Asia— page 199 

" rV Central and South America— page 2J4 

" V The Monroe Doctrine — page 229 

" VI On International Arbitration— page 248 



Contents 

PART III 

HOW AMERICA AMERICANIZES 

Chapter I Religion — page 255 

" n Literature and Journalism— page 276 

" in Art, Science, and Music— page 304 

" rV Marriage and Society— page 3i8 

" V Sport — page 334 

•*' VI The "American Invasion"— page 342 

'* Vn Railways, Shipping, and Trusts— page 360 



PART IV 

THE SUMMING-UP 

Chapter I What is the Secret of American Success ?— page 38t 

n A Look Ahead!— page 3% 

" in Steps Towards Reunion — pcge 418 

" IV The End Thereof— page 439 



i 13he I 

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I W. T. Stead I 




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JL. 



The 

of the World 

Part One 

The United States and the 
British Empire 

Chapter First 

The 'English-Speaking "World 

The Americanization of the world is a phrase which 
excites, quite needlessly, some resentment in Great 
Britain. It is even regarded as an affront to England 
to suggest that the world is being Americanized. Its 
true destiny of course is to be Anglicized. And many 
are quick to discern something of anti-patriotic bias 
in the writers who venture to call attention to the 
trend of the Twentieth Century. 

To all such irate champions of England and the 
English it is sufficient to reply that, as the creation 



Where John Bull Stands 

of the Americans is the greatest achievement of our 
race, there is no reason to resent the part the Amer- 
icans are playing in fashioning the world in their 
image, which, after all, is substantially the image of 
ourselves. 

If we are afflicted with national vanity we can con- 
sole ourselves by reflecting that the Americans are 
only giving to others what they inherited from our- 
selves. Whatever they do, all goes to the credit of 
the family. It is an unnatural parent who does not 
exult in the achievements of his son, even although 
they should eclipse the triumphs of his sire as much 
as the victories of Hannibal threw into the shade the 
exploits of Hamilcar. 

Whatever may be the objections that are raised from 
one side or the other, I hope the reader, if he is a 
Briton, will at least be able to go so far with me as 
to rejoice in contemplating the achievements of the 
mighty nation that has sprung from our loins, and 
if he is an American, to tolerate the complacency 
Avith which John Bull sets down all his exploits to 
the credit of the family. Without that element of 
mutual sympathy, it is to be feared the survey of 
the process which I have dubbed the Americanization 
of the World, is not likely to tend to edification, but 
rather to recriminations, cavilings, and bitterness of 
spirit. 

Of one thing the Briton is assured. However he 
may be outstripped and overshadowed by the Ameri- 
can, no one can deprive us of the traditional glories 
which encompass the cradle of the race. "The purple 

2 



Of British Genesis 

mist of centuries and of song" will never lift from 
these small islands on the northern seas. 

We may lose our primacy in the forging- of iron and 
steel, but no "invasion" can deprive us of the indestruc- 
tible renown possessed by the land which gave birth 
to Alfred and Cromwell, to Shakespeare and Milton, 
to Burns and Scott. And as men will ever think 
more highly of the City of the Violet Crown with 
its Groves of Academe, peopled with poets and sages, 
than of the geographically vast expanse of Asiatic 
empires, so it may well be that England may be a name 
worn ever nearer the great heart of mankind than that 
of the Continent-covering son of Anak, whose bulk 
overshadows the world. 

At the same time — and I hasten to make this admis- 
sion to pacify irate American readers resentful of the 
suggestion that John Bull stands to Brother Jonathan 
as Athens to Persia — it is possible that the American 
may stand to the Briton as Christianity stands to 
Judaism. 

As it was through the Christian Church that the 
monotheism of the Jew conquered the world, so it 
may be through the Americans that the English ideals 
expressed in the English language may make the 
tour of the planet. The parallel is dangerously ex- 
act. For there is too much reason to fear that many 
Americans regard the English with the same unfilial 
ingratitude that many Christians regard the Jew. It 
is as useless to remind them that the men of the May- 
■flotvcr were English, as it is to remind anti-Semites 
that Christ and His apostles were Jews. Yet it v.-as 

3 



The United States Leads 

through the Christian Church, too often unmindful 
of its Jewish parentage, that the ethical ideals of 
the Jew permeated and civilized the world. The 
philosopher recognizes that the world-mission of 
the Jews was only fulfilled through the Nazarene 
whom they crucified ; and so in years to come the 
philosophical historian may record that the mission 
of the English fulfilled itself through the Ameri- 
can. The Americanization of the world is but the 
Anglicizing of the world at one remove. 

That the United States of America have now arrived 
at such a pitch of power and prosperity as to have a 
right to claim the leading place among the English- 
speaking nations cannot be disputed. The census re- 
turns at the beginning and the end of the Nineteenth 
Century are conclusive. The figures stand thus : — ■ 

The United Kingdom (1801) 15,717,287 (1901) 41,454,578 

The United States (1800) 5,305,925 (1900) 76,299,529 

If it be objected that the population of the United 
Kingdom is only a fraction of the King's subjects, let 
us add to the population of the United Kingdom every 
white-skinned person in the British Empire, and let us 
at the same time deduct from the population of the 
United States all men of color. The figures will stand 
thus : — 

1801 igot 

The British Empire 16,000,000 55,000,000 

The United States 4,300,000 66,000,000 

If any one objects that we have not included the my- 
riads of India among British citizens, the answer is 

4 



The Decree of Destiny 

easy. We are comparing the English-speaking com- 
munities. The right of leadership does not depend 
upon how many millions, more or less, of colored peo- 
ple we have compelled to pay us taxes. It depends 
upon the power, the skill, the wealth, the numbers of 
the white citizens of the self-governing State. 

It may be said that it is absurd to group together 
as English-speaking men millions who, like the Cana- 
dians of Quebec and the colonists in Mauritius, only 
speak French, or, like the Dutch of South Africa, only 
speak the Taal. This, it may be objected, unfairly 
swells the British total. But against this we must 
offset the millions of emigrants who have studded the 
United States with patches of the Old World, and 
who, until the next generation has been passed through 
the schools, cannot be described as English speakers. 
Roughly speaking, the figures given above may be said 
to represent the comparative numerical strength of the 
two sections of the English-speaking world. The Re- 
publican section has forged ahead of that which clings 
to the Monarchy. Nor is there any prospect that their 
relative positions will be reversed. As John the Bap- 
tist said of Jesus of Nazareth, so Britain may say to the 
IViited States, "He must increase but I must decrease." 
The Baptist did not repine, neither should we. 

The Briton, instead of chafing against this inevitable 
supersession, should cheerfully acquiesce in the decree 
of Destiny, and stand in betimes with the conquering 
American. The philosophy of common sense teaches 
us that, seeing we can never again be the first, stand- 
ing alone, we should lose no time in uniting our for- 



The Supreme Power 

tunes with those who have passed us in the race. Has 
the time not come when we should make a resolute 
effort to realize the unity of the English-speaking race ? 
What have we to gain by perpetuating the schism that 
we owe to the perversity of George the Third and the 
determination of his pig-headed advisers "to put the 
thing through" and chastise the insolence of these re- 
volted colonists by "fighting to a finish"? As an in- 
tegral part of the English-speaking federation, we 
should continue to enjoy not only undisturbed, but with 
enhanced prestige, our pride of place, while if we re- 
main outside, nursing our Imperial insularity on monar- 
chical lines, we are doomed to play second fiddle for 
the rest of our existence. Why not finally recognize 
the truth and act upon it? What sacrifices are there 
which can be regarded as too great to achieve the 
realization of the ideal of the unity of the English- 
speaking race? 

Consider for a moment what at present is the dis- 
tribution of the surface of this planet among the va- 
rious races of mankind. Instead of counting Britain 
and the United States as two separate and rival States, 
let us pool the resources of the Empire and the Re- 
public and regard them with all their fleets, armies, 
and industrial resources as a political, or, if you like, 
an Imperial unit. 

The English-speaking States, with a population of 
121,000,000 self-governing white citizens, govern 353.- 
000,000 of Asiatics and Africans. Under their allied 
flags labor one-third of the human race. 

The sea, which covers three-fourths of the surface 



World Conquerors 

of the planet, is their domain. Excepting on the Eux- 
ine and the Caspian, no ship dare plough the salt seas 
in Eastern or Western hemisphere if they choose to for- 
bid it. They are supreme custodians of the waterways 
of the world, capable by their fiat of blockading into 
submission any European State contemplating an ap- 
peal to the arbitrament of war. 

Of the dry land, they have occupied and are ruling 
all the richest territories in three continents. With the 
exception of Siberia they have seized all the best gold- 
mines of the world. There is hardly a region where 
white men can breed and live and thrive that they have 
not appropriated. They have picked out the eyes of 
every continent. They reign in the land of the Pha- 
raohs, they have conquered the Empire of Aurungzebe, 
and have seized with imperious hand the dominions of 
Spain. They have despoiled the Portuguese, the 
French, and the Dutch, and have left to the German 
and the Italian nothing but the scraps and knuckle- 
bones of a colonial dominion. 

The net result works out as follows : — 



Country. 


Square 
Miles. 


Population. 


White. 


Colored. 


The United States 

The British Empire.... 


3,754,000 
11,894,000 


66,000,000 
55,000,000 


20,000,000 
333,000,000 


Total 


15,648,000 


121,000,000 


353,000,000 





Warned Off 

The rest of the world cuts but a poor figure com- 
pared with the possessions of the Enghsh-speaking 
aliies. 



Country. 


Square 

Miles. 


Population. 


White. 


Colored. 


Russia 


8,754,000 
1,327,308 
8,215,858 
3,845,000 
1,238,000 
13,293,000 


121,000,000 

15,000.000 

39,000,000 

55,000,000 

134,000,000 


12,000,000 


China 


400,000,000 
60,000,000 
46,000,000 
1 5, 000, coo 


Latin America 

France 


Germany 


All others 


129,000,000 





The Hon's share of the world is ours, not only in bulk, 
but in tid-bits also. The light land of the Sahara is not 
worth a centime an acre. The vast area of German 
South Africa would hardly provide a livelihood for the 
population of a middle-sized German village. With 
the exception of the Rhine, the Danube, the Amoor, the 
Volga, the Platte and the Amazon, nearly all the great 
navigable rivers of the world enter the sea under the 
Union Jack or the Stars and Stripes. The valley of 
the Yang-tse-Kiang is earmarked as the sphere of our 
influence. The whole of the North American Conti- 
nent, from the North Pole to the frontier of Mexico, is 
within the ring fence of the English-speaking race, and 
from the whole of Central and Southern America all 
.trespassers have been emphatically warned ofif by the 
proclamation of the Monroe Doctrine. 

8 



Drunkards and Pharisees 

Population should be weighed as well as counted. 
In a census return a Hottentot counts for as much as 
a Cecil Rhodes ; a mean white on a southern swamp is 
the census equivalent for Mr. J. P. Morgan or Mr. 
Edison. 

A nation which has no illiterates can hardly 
be counted off against the Russians, only three per 
cent, of whom can read or write. Excluding France 
and Germany and the highly civilized group of small 
states, Scandinavian, Dutch and Swiss, the English- 
speaking world comes out easily on top, no matter 
what test of civilization is employed. 

We have more schools to the square mile, more col- 
leges to the county, more universities to the State 
than any of the others. We print more books, read 
more newspapers, run more libraries. We have more 
churches per hundred thousand of the population, and 
attend them better. Our death rate is diminishing even 
more rapidly than our birth rate, our pauperism is de- 
creasing, our criminal statistics are reassuring. Only 
in one respect do we fall below the average. We are 
the most drunken race in the whole world — the most 
drunken and in both our branches the most 
Pharisaical. 

We are as piratical as the worst of our neighbors, 
but we alone make broad our phylacteries while we are 
plundering, and pray while we prey. In all the ma- 
terial tests of advancing civilization, railways, steam- 
ships, telephones, telegraphs, electric trolleys, sanitary 
appliances, and the like, we beat the world. 

If from a comparison between the English-speaking 

9 



The Weight of Numbers 

duality and the rest of the planet we pass to a com- 
parison between the two English-speaking races, some 
curious results come out. The United States, which 
has shot ahead of us in population, has comparatively 
only a small area. The total superficial area of the 
United States is only 3,603,844 square miles on the 
mainland. The total area of Cuba, Porto Rico, and 
the Philippine Islands will not add more than 100,000 
square miles to that total. 

But the British Empire has 3,456,383 square miles 
in Canada, 3,076,763 in Australia, and 1,808,258 in 
India. The vast expanses of Canada and Australia 
are but sparsely peopled ; there is elbow room in both 
for a greater population than that which the United 
States carries to-day. 

The following comparison of populations is inter- 
esting, excluding colored persons : — 

1901 igoo 

United States (not > 

England 31,231,664 including those I 57,422,000 

below) ) 

Wales 1,294,032 Virginia 1.854,184 

Scotland 4,471,957 Illinois 4.821,550 

Ireland 4,456.546 New York 7.118,012 

Canada | ^'(^goo)^ Pennsylvania ...... 6,302,115 

Australia 3,726,450 Missouri 3,106,665 

New Zealand 773. 440 Connecticut 908,355 

South Africa and / 1,000,000 t^t u 1 
Miscellaneous.. \ (estimated) Nebraska 1,068,539 

These figures do not pretend to be exact. No one 
really knows how many white citizens of the British 
Empire are scattered over the myriad-peopled regions 
10 



Comparative Wealth 



where we maintain the Roman peace, how many are on 
the high seas, and how many are doing sentry go 
all round the world. A million is probably not an un- 
fair estimate. The comparison is interesting, and may 
be suggestive to some readers who have never quite 
realized that there are single states in the American 
Union with a population greater than that of the whole 
Dominion of Canada or the kingdom of Scotland. 

When the comparison is made between finance, 
railways and shipping, and there is no distinction 
made between colored and white men, the British 
Empire, with its multitudinous host of dark-skinned 
races, is easily preponderant. 

The comparison works out somewhat as follows : — 



Country. 


Area. 


Revenue. 


Railways 


Shipping. 
Tons. 


Exports 

and 
Imports. 


United Kingdom 

Colonies and Depen- 


Sq. Miles. 
121,000 

11,429,000 


Millions. 
120 

no 


Miles. 
21,659 

S4,ooo 


Millions. 
9 

I 


Millions. 
81S 

201 






TOTAL.. 

United States 


11,550,000 
3,700,000 


230 

139 


75,659 
184,278 


10 

4} 


1,016 
380 






Grand Total 


15,250,000 


369 


2S9,937 


15 


1.396 



Mr. Chauncey McGovern contributed to Pearson's 
Magacinc last October a curious comparison between 
the English-speaking States and Russia, France, and 
Spain, from which I extract the following Table : — 

The English-Speaking United States of the World. Russia, France and Spain. 



Area 

Population 

Revenue 

National Pebts. 

Railways 

Exports 

Merchant Ships. 
Naval Guns. . . . 



15,636,000 square miles. 

473,500,000 

;C37g,8oo,ooo 

;£i,56o, 705,000 

267,150 miles. 

;£825,25I,60O 

19,236,000 tons. 
13,319 



12,320,000 square miles. 
217,218,000 
;Ci33-io3,'»o 

;{^2,28l,95I,000 

67,260 miles. 
^^239,920, 600 

3,037,0,10 tons. 
■ I0.9Q3 

u 



A Combination 



A more detailed comparison between the English- 
speaking States and France, Russia, and Germany, 
was made by Sir Richard Temple in September, 1899. 
I quote his figures as they stand without attempting to 
bring them up to date : — 



English-Speaking. 



Pop7ilatton. 



Russia, Germany and Spain. 



White 125,000,000 

Colored 353,000,000 



White 221,000,000 

Colored 64,000,000 



15} millions square miles. 



475,000,000 285,000,000 

A reel. 

I ii\ millions square miles. 
Coast Line. 

62,000 miles and 19 first-rate harbors. | 17,000 miles and 5 harbors. 

Railways. 

358,000 miles. I 79,500 miles. 

Annual Trade. 

;Ci, 600,000,000. I ;£i, 120,000,000. 



English-Speaking. 


Russia, Germany and France. 


Shifiping. 

11,000,000 tons. 

Fisheries. 


Iron Ore. 

25,000,000. 
Revenue. 


Sh ipping. 
3,750,000 ions. 
Fisheries. 


Iroti Ore. 

20,000,000 tons. 

Revenue. 


320,000. 
Coal Output. 


;(J377,ooo,ooo. 
Armies. 


100,000. 
Coal Output. 


;C405,ooo,ooo, 
Armies. 


405,000,000. 

Navies. — 


1,000,000. 
»io ships. 


138,000,000 tons. 
Navies. — 381 


7.000,000. 

ships. 



This represents a greater factor of organized force 
than has ever before been at the disposal of a single race. 

The question arises whether this gigantic aggregate 
can be pooled. We live in the day of combinations. 
Is there no Morgan who will undertake to bring about 
the greatest combination of all — a combination of the 
whole English-speaking race? 

The same motive which has led to the building up 
of the Trust in the industrial world, may bring about 
this great combination in the world of politics. It is 
not a sentimental craze. The question is prompted bv 
the most solid of material considerations. Why should 
we not combine? We should be stronger as against 
outside attack, and what is of far greater importance, 

\2 



A Plea for Unity 

there would be much less danger of the fierce indus- 
trial rivalry that is to come leading to international 
strain and war. 

New York competes with Massachusetts and Penn- 
sylvania with Illinois, but no matter how severe may 
be the competition, its stress never strains the federal 
tie. States in a federal Union are as free to compete 
with each other as are towns in an English county, but 
being united in one organic whole the war of trade 
never endangers the public peace. Why should we not 
aim at the same goal in international affairs? If the 
English-speaking world were unified even to the e:?- 
tent of having a central court for the settlement of all 
Anglo-American controversies, our respective manu- 
facturers would be free to compete without any risk of 
their trade rivalry endangering good relations between 
the Empire and the Republic. And that would be again 
worth making no small sacrifice in order to secure. 

The tendency of the last half century has been all in 
favor of the unification of peoples who speak the same 
language. It is not likely to slacken in the new cen- 
tury. The Nineteenth Century unified Germany and 
Italy. Will the Twentieth Century unify the English- 
speaking race ? 

It is a momentous question. The remembrance of 
the z'ia dolorosa of blood and tears by which the Ger- 
man race attained to unity may well deter the timid 
from suggesting that the English-speaking world 
should essay to reach the same goal. But the story 
of how the Germans realized their national unity is 
full of suggestion for us, both for encouragement and 
for warning. For the German race a hundred years 

J3 



The Rise of Germany 

since was very much like the EngHsh-speaking race to- 
day. Austria then was what Great Britain is now.* 
She had the prestige of antiquity, the Imperial aureole 
was round her brow, she reigned over many races of 
various tongues, and she was as proud as Lucifer. 
Over against her were the Prussians — the Americans 
of their time. 

They were young and enterprising ; the Hohenzol- 
lems were but upstart parvenus besides the Hapsburgs, 
but they had the genius for organization, the instinct 
for education, and a passionate patriotism. Between 
these two lay the minor German States, who corre- 
sponded not inaptly to the various English-speaking 
colonies which look to Britain as their natural head, 
very much as the South German States regarded Aus- 
tria, who presided over the Bund, as the pivot of the 
German political system. In the presence of national 
rivalries so intense, and political barriers so innumer- 

» When I was revising' the proofs of this chapter, I was considerably sur- 
prised to find that the London correspondent of the Novove Vretuya in Octo- 
ber last had already called attention to the analojry between Great Britain and 
Austria. He pushed the parallel still further home. He declared that the 
true parallel of the present situation must be sought not in the relations that 
existed at the besfinning of the nineteenth century between Prussia and Aus- 
tria, but rather in those which existed at present between the German Empire 
and Austria, for, in his opinion, the Tjnited States have already established 
over Great Britain the same kind of protectorate as the German Empire has 
established over the Austrian member of the Triple Alliance. He says: 

"Everything proves that Great Britain is now practically dependent upon 
the United States, and for all international intents and purposes may be con- 
sidered to be under an American protectorate. 

"Just as Germany has used Austria for her own purposes, while gfuarding 
her from external and internal dangers, so does America take advantage of 
British needs and weakness, caring for England only in so far as self-interest 
prompts it. The United States has but ]ust entered upon the policy of ex- 
ploiting the protected kingdom. . . . 

" The British have lost all pride in their relation to the United States. They 
admit that they cannot successfully resist the republic. They no longer 
trust to their strength, but place their reliance on the racial, literary and social 
ties which at^tract the Americans to England. In this surrender to the Amer- 
icans there is a sentimental motive as well as a practical one. Losing her 
maritime, commercial, and even financial primacy, England can bear with 
more resignation the passing of this primacy to a nation akin to her in lan- 
guage, civilization, and even blood." 



English-Speaking Unity 

able, the idea of German unity seemed an idler dream 
in 1801 than the idea of English-speaking unity seems 
in 1901. 

We are all familiar with the consequence of allow- 
ing the German race to persist in its dual organization. 
As Bismarck wrote in 1856: "For a thousand years, 
ever since the reign of Charles V., German Dualism 
has regularly resettled its mutual relations once a cen- 
tury by a thorough-going internal war, and in this cen- 
tury also that will prove to be the only feasible expedi- 
ent for arranging matters satisfactorily."* 

Ten years later Bismarck, at Sadowa, settled mat- 
ters to his satisfaction at least, but to this day one 
menace to the peace of central Europe arises from 
the fact that some eight million Germans were left 
outside the national fold. 

Between the two sections of the English-speaking 
race there has been one war a century so far. There 
is too much reason to fear that the average will be 
kept up, unless in some way or other the mischievous 
work of George III. can be undone. It is, of course, 
manifestly impossible, even if it were desirable, for the 
Americans to come back within the pale of the British 
Empire. But if that is impossible, there remains the 
other alternative. Why should not we of the older 
stock propose to make amends for the folly of our 
ancestors by recognizing that the hegemony of the 
race has passed from Westminster to Washington, 
and proposing to federate the Empire and the Repub- 
lic on whatever terms may be arrived at, after dis- 
cussion, as a possible basis for the reunion of our race. 

• "Our Chancellor." Busch, vol. i., p. 323. 

J5 



Words of Wisdom 

The suggestion will be derided as a dream. But to 
quote the familiar saying of Russell Lowell, "It is 
none the worse for that; most of the best things we 
now possess began by being dreams." 

Mr. Balfour, six years ago, declared "that the idea of 

war with the United States of America carries with it 

something of the unnatural horror of civil war." 

Since then many things have happened to strengthen 

that sentiment. But even then he could use these 

eloquent w^ords : — 

" I feel, so far as I can speak for my countrymen, that our 
pride in the race to which we belong is a pride which includes 
every English-speaking community in the world. We have a 
domestic patriotism, as Scotchmen or Englishmen or as Irish- 
men, or what you will, we have an Imperial patriotism as citi- 
zens of the British Empire ; but surely, in addition to that, 
we have also an Anglo-Saxon patriotism which embraces 
within its ample folds the whole of that great race which has 
done so much in every branch of human effort, and in that 
branch of human effort which has produced free institutions 
and free communities." 

And he added some words of wisdom with which I 

will close this chapter : — 

" We may be taxed with being idealists and dreamers in this 
matter. I would rather be an idealist and a dreamer, and I 
look forward with confidence to the time when our ideals will 
have become real and our dreams will be embodied in actual 
political fact. For, after all, circumstances will tend in that 
direction in which we look." 

In a subsequent chapter, I attempt to describe some 

of these circumstances which already enable us to 

foresee the trend of the Twentieth Century r^— 

'Where is a Briton's Fatherland ? A Briton's Fatherland is there. 

Will no one tell me of that land ? Our grlorious An^rlo-Saxon race 

'Tis where one meets with English Shall ever till earth's highest place, 

folk. The sun shall never more go down 

And hears the tongue that Shake- On English temple, tower and town ; 

speare spoke; And wander where a Briton will. 

Where songs of Burns are in the air, His Fatherland shall hold him still." 

\6 



The Americanization of 
the World 

Chapter Second 

The Basis for Rewnion 

Let it be admitted, if only for the sake of our argu- 
ment, that the establishment of English-speaking 
unity is a matter to be desired in the interest alike 
of the peace of the world and the liberties of man- 
kind. The question next arises, how can this unity 
most easily and effectually be brought about? In 
attempting to answer this question, I disclaim in ad- 
vance any accusation that I am imperilling the end 
in view by an inconsiderate precipitance in pressing 
for the adoption of measures that promise to lead 
in that direction. 

I only seek to discuss tendencies, to estimate forces, 
and to forecast the probable course of the natural 
evolution of the existing factors in the Empire and 
the Republic, and in the nations on their frontiers. 
In presence of a problem so immense, fraught with 
consequences so momentovis for the weal or woe of 
mankind, it would be presumption to attempt to pro- 
claim solutions before the governing factors have 
been clearly discerned. 

J7 



Anglo or American 

Nevertheless, it may not be impossible for even the 
cursory observer to see the trend of events, if he 
keeps his attention fixed upon the salient features 
of the situation. If the two English-speaking States 
are to come together, it is obvious that there must be 
some approximation towards a system which may be 
accepted by all the world-scattered communities of 
English-speaking men. 

This being admitted, the question immediately arises 
as to whether the Empire will approximate to the 
Republic, or the Republic to the Empire. Are we to 
Americanize our institutions, or may we expect to see 
the Americans Anglicizing their Constitution? Or 
may we anticipate that the future normal system of 
polity for the English-speaking world will be arrived 
at by such an exact balance between the English and 
American elements, that the product will be strictly 
Anglo-American, and not more American than it is 
Anglo? 

It is not very difficult to answer theee questions. 
In the first place, what is the fundamental difference 
between the British and American Constitutions? 
That which differentiates them much more than the 
fact that the head of one is hereditary and of the 
other elective, is the fact that we have no written 
Constitution of any kind, whereas the American Con- 
stitution is the best known type of a written Consti- 
tution in existence. 

The Constitution of the reunited English-speaking 
race must of necessity be written. Not even the 
most uncompromising Britisher would venture to sug- 



The New Constitution 

gest that mankind will ever again attempt to repeat 
the experiment which has worked for so long with 
such miraculous success in Great Britain. If we seek 
for confirmation of this, we have only to turn to the 
recent history of our greatest colonies. When the 
Dominion of Canada was constituted, the federation 
was embodied in a written Constitution. 

Last year the same thing occurred in the creation 
of the Commonwealth of Australia. If Mr. Glad- 
stone had succeeded in carrying his Home Rule Bill, 
that measure would have been the written Constitu- 
tion or fundamental Charter of the new Government 
of Ireland. The adoption of some sort of written 
Constitution is therefore inevitable, and by its adop- 
tion the fundamental feature of the Re-united States 
would become American, not British. 

After the difference of written and unwritten Con- 
stitutions, the Empire and the Republic differ most 
visibly in the way in which they appoint their heads. 
The Americans elect their President for four years. 
The British crown for life the eldest son of the de- 
ceased sovereign. 

The comparative advantages of a Constitutional 
Monarchy and of a democratic Republic need not be 
discussed here. The Americans themselves might be 
the first to object to the disappearance of the 
Monarchy. The Crown might remain as a picturesque 
historical symbol, as a distinctively British institu- 
tion as local as, although much more ornamental than, 
the London fog. But not even the most perfervid 
Royalist in his wildest dreams can conceive the possi- 

i9 



An American Mould 

bility of the Americans ever consenting to become 
the loyal subjects of a descendant of George III. Even 
if they developed a taste for monarchy, they would 
make it the first condition of their sovereign that he 
sliould be a thorough American. 

No foreign-born citizen, no matter what service he 
may have rendered the State, no matter how long he 
may have been naturalized, can occupy the presiden- 
tial chair, even for the space of four years. If the 
Head of the State were to occupy the American throne 
for life, and leave it to his sons and his sons' sons after 
him, the condition of genuine native-born Americanism 
would be insisted upon more passionately than ever. 
The conversion of the Americans to the principle of 
monarchy, instead of facilitating the race union, would 
create a new and very serious obstacle in the shape of 
rival dynasties. 

Of that, however, there is fortunately no danger. 
If, therefore, race union is to be accomplished, the 
future head of the reunited States will be elective and 
republican, even if the monarchy continues to be 
cherished in these islands as a distinctly local institu- 
tion. Here also the mould of the future destinies of 
our race will be American and not British. 

After the monarchy, the American differs from the 
British Constitution chiefly in the repudiation by the 
former of the principle of hereditary legislation and 
of an Established Church, and the acceptance, with 
all its logical consequences, of the principle of gov- 
ernment of the people by salaried representatives 
chosen by constituencies in strict proportion to their 

20 



Colonial Independence 

numbers, as ascertained at each decennial census. 
These are the notes which, to the casual observer, 
differentiate the two Constitutions. Which of them 
will be the key-note of the Constitution of the Reunited 
Race? 

In discussing this question let us assume that the 
Americans themselves will be passive in this matter, 
and that the decision to be taken will rest solely with 
the subjects of the King. If a plebiscite were to be 
taken to-morrow, and every white male adult in the 
Empire were to be asked to vote for or against heredi- 
tarv legislation, an Established Church, and our pres- 
ent illogical system of unpaid Parliamentary repre- 
sentation, what would be the result? It is more than 
probable that even now the majority of British sub- 
jects would be in favor of the American view. 

In England, no doubt, the majority would be in 
favor of the ancient time-honored institutions. But 
Wales and Ireland would cast heavy majorities on the 
other side, and it is extremely doubtful whether Scot- 
land would not go the same way. The most signifi- 
cant factor, however, remains to be noticed. We boast 
that we have encircled the world with self-governing 
colonies, but without a single exception every one of 
these colonies, while rejoicing in the shelter of the 
Union Jack, and enthusiastically loyal to the person of 
the Sovereign, has organized its own Constitution on 
American as opposed to British lines. 

Not a colony has transplanted across the seas either 
a hereditary chamber, an Established Church, or the 
English system of unpaid unequal representation. The 

2i 



Democracy of the Colonies 

descendants of George III. retained the allegi- 
ance of the colonies by allowing them one and all to 
frame their constitution on the principles of George 
Washington. The English segment of Great Britain 
may be true to the distinctive British institutions, but 
Greater Britain repudiates them with absolute unanim- 

ity. 

Mr. Whitelaw Reid was the American special rep- 
resentative at the Jubilee of 1897. He saw London in 
the very heyday of British loyalty and enthusiasm. 
Among the thousands who thronged our capital, none 
were more demonstratively loyal, more impassioned 
in their expressions of devotion to the Old Covmtry 
and its institutions than the Colonial Premiers. But 
Mr. Whitelaw Reid, who studied them closely, was 
startled to discover that one and all of these highly 
placed Ministers of the Crown were, to quote his own 
phrase, "downright Yankees." 

I asked him to explain that dark and Delphic say- 
ing. He replied : "What I mean is that these men are 
not in the least like British Ministers or any of your 
English politicians. Their point of view is American. 
Their political ideas are the same as ours. They are 
loyal to the Queen, no doubt, but that is a thing apart. 
In their work-a-day politics they are as Republican as 
ourselves. They start from the same principles, they 
reason in the same way, and they arrive at the same 
conclusions. Not one of them would tolerate a House 
of Lords in his own colony, or an Established Church. 
Even on Free Trade their ideas are more American 
than British. In talking to them I am never conscious 

22 



Tottering British Institutions 

of that break of gauge which I constantly feel in talk- 
ing to a British statesman." 

We may take it, then, as tolerably manifest that 
the distinctively British institutions of a hereditary 
legislature and an Established Church will not figure 
among the institutions of the Reunited Race, even 
though they may be left for a time in England. It is 
even possible that the growth of a popular desire in 
England itself to rid ourselves of these institutions may 
lead indirectly to union with the great English-speak- 
ing community which is freed from their evil influence. 

All this means one thing and one thing only. It 
is we who are going to be Americanized ; the advance 
will have to be made on our side ; it is idle to hope, and 
it is not at all to be desired, that the Americans will 
attempt to meet us half way by saddling themselves 
with institutions of which many of us are longing 
earnestly to get rid. 

Even if there were no other reason for this, suffi- 
cient cause would be found in the fact that while every 
American is an enthusiastic believer in his own Con- 
stitution, it is difficult to find an Englishman who 
does not admit that his own Constitution is in a very 
bad way. 

I do not confine this remark to the Irish, the Welsh, 
and the English and Scotch Liberals. They are 
naturally in revolt against the permanent veto upon 
all Liberal legislation vested in the permanent ma- 
jority which their political opponents enjoy in the 
Upper House. 

I find the bitterest complaints against the breakdown 

23 



Basis of American Greatness 

of the constitutional machine in the Conservative 
Quarterly, and in the speeches of thorough-going Min- 
isteriahsts. The ParHamentary machine has broken 
down before our eyes. That fact there is none to 
dispute. Authorities differ as to the cause of the 
breakdown, and they differ still more widely as to 
the remedy to be employed. But not even the most 
self-satisfied advocate for things as they are speaks 
of the spectacle at Westminster except in accents 
of shame and despair. 

Contrast this with the tone in which every Ameri- 
can habitually speaks, and what is more, actually thinks 
of his Constitution. Mr. Bryce, in the very first 
page of his admirable work on the American Common- 
wealth, calls attention to the immense, almost religious, 
respect which the Americans pay to their institutions. 
It is not merely, says Mr. Bryce. that they are sup- 
posed to form an experiment of unequalled importance 
on a scale unprecedentedly vast. It is because they 
are something more than an experiment; "they are 
believed to disclose and display the type of institutions 
toward which, as by a law of fate, the rest of civilized 
mankind are forced to move, some with swifter, others 
with slower, but all with unresting feet." 

When you have two parties in counsel, one of whom 
is heartily ashamed of his system, while the other is 
absolutely convinced that his system is so perfect 
that its ultimate universal adoption is only a matter of 
time, it needs no prophet to foresee which system will 
be adopted as the result of their consultations. Nor 
can we be surprised at the American's reverence for 
his Constitution when we read the terms in which it 
24 



Great Britain's Need 

lias been spoken of by eminent Englishmen. Was it 
not Mr. Gladstone who declared? — 

"The American Constitution is, so far as I can see, 
the most wonderful work ever struck off at a given 
time by the brain and purpose of man. It has had 
a century of trial, under the pressure of exigencies 
caused by an expansion unexampled in point of rapid- 
ity and range; and its exemption from formal change, 
though not entire, has certainly proved the sagacity 
of the constructors and the stubborn strength of the 
fabric." * 

Nor is Mr. Bryce less emphatic, although not so 
brief. Speaking of the American Constitution, he 
says : — 

"After all deductions, it ranks above every other 
written Constitution for the intrinsic excellence 
of its scheme, its adaptation to the circumstances of 
the people, the simplicity, brevity, and precision of 
its language, its judicious mixture of definiteness in 
principle with elasticity in details." f 

It is a notable and significant circumstance that 
the one statesman who has repeatedly directed the 
attention of the British public to the exceeding ex- 
cellence of the American Constitution is none other 
than the Marquis of Salisbury, the Tory Prime Min- 
ister. It does not matter that what he admires most 
in it is the security which it offers against reckless 
innovation, and the guarantee which it gives to liberty 
of contract and the right of a man to do what he 

* "Gleanings of Past Years," by W.E.Gladstone, vol. i., p. 
212. f Bryce's "American Commonwealth." vol. i.. p 27. 

25 



Two Things Needed 

will with his own. The fact remains that more than 
once Lord Salisbury has cast a longing eye across the 
Atlantic to the American Constitution, lamenting that 
our own Constitution contained no such safeguards 
as those provided by the wisdom of the Fathers of the 
American Republic. 

Still more remarkable is the declaration of Mr. 
Cecil Rhodes, who long ago set forth with his accus- 
tomed bluntness that for the salvation of the British 
Empire only two things were needed, "Home Rule 
and a preferential tariff, and if you ask me why I 
believe in Home Rule and what I mean by it, I say 
to you read the American Constitution." 

What more need have we of witnesses? 

The only consolation that can be offered to the 
susceptible Briton is that the American Constitution, 
like the American people, owes its origin to the island 
which was the cradle of the race. The Americans, 
in fashioning their Constitution, imported it from 
England via France, to which country they subse- 
quently re-exported it in spirit though not in form, 
with results not even yet fully worked out. 

Montesquieu, by his eulogistic panegyric upon the 
English Constitution in his "Esprit des Loix," became 
the Godfather of the American Constitution. But it 
was the Puritan principles of free democracy which 
we exported in the Mayfloiuer that fashioned and pre- 
pared the founders of the American Commonwealth 
for their famous achievement. So it may fairly be 
contended that in the Americanizing of the English- 
speaking world it is the spirit of Old England rein- 
carnate in the body of Uncle Sam. 
26 



The Americanization of 
the World 



Chapter Third 

The Americanization of Ireland 

It is an interesting subject of speculation how the 
Americanizing of the British Empire will be brought 
about. Many forces are working steadily in that di- 
rection, the significance of which is very imperfectly 
revealed to our eyes. One of the chief of these is 
seldom realized, for its operation is silent and subtle 
as the law of gravitation. 

It is, indeed, no other than the law of gravitation 
operating in the political world. Among the heavenly 
bodies the less revolve around the greater. The mass 
tells. You cannot build a solar system in which any 
of the planets is larger and heavier than the sun. 

A hundred years ago Great Britain was the sun of 
the political system of the English world. Her popu- 
lation was 15,717,287, whereas the population of 
the United States was only 5,305,925. The Ameri- 
cans had torn themselves off from the British connec- 
tion, but they still felt the pull which a compact mass 
of 15,717,287 exercises continuously upon a body only 
one-third its bulk. 

27 



The Power of Citizenship 

For three-quarters of the century that silent force 
of gravitation exerted its influence in a continually 
diminishing degree, until after a time, the two nations 
being equipoised, the position of the two States was 
reversed. The United States now began to exert the 
pull upon the United • Kingdom. The operation of 
this unseen force was for a time obscured, owing to 
the fact that the smaller nation had taken to itself vast 
masses of Asiatic and African subjects. But after 
a time it was perceived that they had not made these 
men citizens, and it is only citizens who count. 

The hundreds of millions of dusky subjects in Hin- 
dostan add nothing to the intrinsic strength of the 
i'ritish people. They constitute part of the ''While 
Alan's Burden." As elements in the problem of politi- 
cal gravitation they only count because they tend to 
obscure the perception of the real forces governing the 
situation. The real kernel and nucleus of both States 
is to be found in their white citizens. 

The mutual influence of Britain on America and of 
America on England depends upon the number and 
the intelligence of their citizens and the intensity of 
their cohesion. That cohesion is not necessarily geo- 
graphical. It is in its essence moral, emotional, and in- 
tellectual. In the voluntary association of free, self- 
governing citizens lies the secret of the strength of the 
State. 

Herein we touch upon another element of weakness 
which tells heavily against Great Britain in her com- 
parison with the United States. The citizens of the 
United States to the last man are voluntary citizens. 

23 



A Vulnerable Spot 

They are proud of their citizenship. There are no 
unwilHng subjects, in the whole RepubHc. 

There are milHons, Hterally milHons, who have been 
born in other lands, but the foreign born vie with 
the natives in their exultant pride in being citizens of 
the United States. When we turn our eyes to the 
British Empire we are confronted with a very different 
state of things. Close at our doors lies a country as 
populous as any but the two largest states in the 
Americari Union, the majority of whose inhabitants 
are in a chronic state of latent rebellion. The major- 
ity of the Irish people acquiesce sullenly in the irre- 
sistible logic of force majeure. They are not proud 
of British citizenship. They loathe it. They accept 
representation at Westminster solely in order that they 
may use the vote which they are allowed to exercise 
as the only available substitute for the pike and the 
rifle the use of which is denied to them. 

In this broad survey of the comparative strength 
of the two great sections of the English-speaking 
world it is impossible not to recognize in Ireland the 
Achilles heel of the Empire. Our failure to win the 
allegiance of the Irish is the most fatal element in 
the sum of blunders which are transferring the leader- 
ship of our race to our sons beyond the sea. 

Less than forty years ago the United States of 
America were torn in twain by one of the bloodiest civil 
wars of our time. For nearly five years the whole na- 
tion was preoccupied with fratricidal strife. In the end 
the North conquered. The South, beaten flat, crushed, 
desolated and despairing, sued for peace. The seced- 

29 



American Political Genius 

ing States were forced back into the Union at the 
point of the bayonet. 

But despite all waving of the "Bloody Shirt," despite 
a million graves of slaughtered men, and the yawn- 
ing chasm that lay between the victors and the van- 
quished, the breach was healed by the re-establishment 
of Home Rule. When the war broke out with Spain 
no recruits rallied to the defense of the Star-spangled 
banner more heartily than the sons of the men who, 
under Davis and Lee, had shed their blood in the at- 
tempt to destroy the Union. Uncle Sam has no un- 
willing subjects, not even in the former stronghold of 
secession. 

The contrast between the complete reconciliation 
which has been effected between North and South in 
America and our utter failure to effect even a modus 
vivendi between the English, and the Irish, affords a 
measure of the difference between the political genius 
of the American Republic and of the British Empire. 

The secret lies in the fact that the Americans have 
frankly and fully recognized the principle of govern- 
ment by the consent of the governed, whereas only one- 
half of the English have ever accepted it. The old 
virus of absolute government, which was the curse of 
England in the Seventeenth Century under the Stuarts, 
came back after the Commonwealth at the Restoration, 
and was not entirely exorcised in 1688. It revived in 
the Eighteenth Century under George III., with the 
result that we lost our American colonies. 

In the Nineteenth we succeeded in suppressing it 
everywhere excepting in Ireland. Here, thanks to the 
30 



The Cost of Aggression 

House of Lords, we were able to indulge the fatal pro- 
pensity inherent in our Conservatives of trying to 
govern a nation without its consent, against its will, 
and in opposition to its ideas. As a result, we have 
Ireland and the Irish as an element not of strength, 
but of weakness. They are as salt in the mortar of 
Empire, whose weakening and dissolving influence is 
by no means confined to the United Kingdom. 

The presence of unwilling subjects, of men made 
citizens without their consent, is ever a source of weak- 
ness to States. But so far are we from having learned 
that lesson that for the last two years v^e have been 
lavishing all the resources of the Empire in a desperate 
attempt to compel within the pale of our dominions 
the most stubborn and unwilling set of subjects the 
world has ever seen. 

An expenditure of 20,000 lives and £200,000,000 
has been incurred for the purpose of forcing the South 
African Dutch to submit to our dominion. We have 
killed thousands and devastated their land in order to 
make them "our subjects." If they had been willing 
to become our fellow-citizens they would have been 
a source of strength. As men forced by war to sub- 
mit to our yoke they will become a source of abiding 
weakness. We shall have two Irelands on our hands 
instead of one, and each affords only too tempting an 
opportunity for those who may use the Americanizing 
trend of our time for the purpose of detaching either 
or both from the Empire of which at present they 
form part. 

In view of the possibilities opened up before us by 

3J 



A World-Famous Document 

the catastrophe which has destroyed our self-governed 
dominion in South Africa, it may not be without profit 
if we were carefully to read and ponder the Declaration 
of Independence by which, on July 4, 1776, our Ameri- 
can colonists formally notified to the whole world their 
final severance from Great Britain and their determina- 
tion henceforth to work out their own destinies as 
sovereign states. 

I wonder how many of my British readers have 
ever perused this famous document. Its reproduc- 
tion here will probably cause the seizure of this book 
by the military censors at Cape Town. But, not- 
withstanding their objection, the Declaration, with its 
carefully specified statement of the wrongs inflicted 
upon the Americans by the British Government, may 
be very profitably read and meditated upon to-day. 
For here within the four corners of a well worn placard 
are set forth in plain terms the reasons why we lost 
America, and, reading between the lines, we may dis- 
cover without much difficulty the reasons why we shall 
lose South Africa and Ireland also, if so be that we do 
not mend our ways. It is doubtful whether one Eng- 
lishman in a thousand has ever read the Declaration 
through from end to end. Yet a more fateful docu- 
ment it would be hard to find in the whole of our 
records. It is the epitaph of our Empire. 



32 



The Declaration of Independence 
In Congffesst July 4, J 776. 

A Declaration 

By the Representatives of the United States 
of America 

In General Congress Assembled 

When in the Course of human Events, it becomes 
necessary for one People to dissolve the Political 
Bands which have connected them with another, and 
to assume among the Powers of the Earth, the separate 
and equal Station to which the Laws of Nature and 
of Nature's God entitle them, a decent Respect to the 
Opinions of Mankind requires that they should declare 
the Causes which impel them to the separation. 

We hold these Truths to be self-evident, that all 
Men are created equal, that they are endowed by their 
Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among 
these are Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happi- 
ness. That to secure these Rights, Governments are 
instituted among Men, deriving their just Powers 
from the Consent of the Governed, that whenever any 
Form of Government becomes destructive of these 
Ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or abolish 
it, and to institute a new Government, laying its foun- 
dation on such Principles, and organizing its Powers 

33 



The Declaration 

in such Form, as to them shall seem most likely to 
effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, 
will dictate that Governments long established should 
not be changed for light and transient Causes ; and 
accordingly all Experience has shown, that Mankind 
are more disposed to suffer, while Evils are suft'erable, 
than to right themselves by abolishing the Forms to 
which they are accustomed. But when a long Train 
of Abuses and Usurpations, pursuing invariably the 
same Object, evinces a design to reduce them under 
absolute Despotism, it is their Right, it is their Duty, 
to throw off such Government, and to provide new 
Guards for their future Security. Such has been the 
patient sufferance of these Colonies ; and such is now 
the Necessity which constrains them to alter their 
former Systems of Government. The History of the 
present King of Great Britain is a History of repeated 
Injuries and Usurpations, all having in direct Object 
the Establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these 
States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a 
candid World. 

He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most whole- 
some and necessary for the public Good. 

He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of 
immediate and pressing Importance, unless suspended 
in their Operation till his Assent should be obtained; 
and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to 
attend to them. 

He has refused to pass other Laws for the Accommo- 
dation of large Districts of People, unless those Peo- 
ple would relinquish the Right of Representation in the 

34 



Of Independence 

Legislature, a Right inestimable to them, and formida- 
ble to Tyrants only. 

He has called together Legislative Bodies at Places 
unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the De- 
pository of their public Records, for the sole Purpose 
of fatiguing them into Compliance with his Meas- 
ures. 

He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, 
for opposing with manly Firmness his Invasions on 
the Rights of the People. 

He has refused for a long Time after, such Disso- 
lutions, to cause others to be elected ; whereby the 
Legislative Powers, incapable of Annihilation, have 
returned to the people at large for their exercise; 
the State remaining in the meantime exposed to all 
the Dangers of Invasion from without, and Convul- 
sions within. 

He has endeavored to prevent the population of 
these States; for that Purpose obstructing the Laws 
for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass 
others to encourage their Migrations hither, and rais- 
ing the Conditions of new Appropriations of Lands. 

He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by 
refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary 
Powers. 

He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, 
for the Tenure of their Offices, and the Amount and 
Payment of their Salaries. 

He has erected a multitude of new Offices, and sent 
hither Swarms of Officers to harass our People, and 
eat out their Substance. 

35 



The Declaration 

He has kept among us, in Times of Peace, Standing 
Armies, without the Consent of our Legislatures. 

He has afifected to render the Military independent 
of and superior to the civil Power. 

He has combined with others to subject us to a 
Jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution, and unac- 
knowledged by our Laws ; given his Assent to their 
Acts of pretended Legislation : 

For quartering large Bodies of armed Troops among 
us : 

For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from pun- 
ishment for any Murders which they should commit on 
the Inhabitants of these States : 

For cutting off our Trade with all Parts of the 
World : 

For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent : 

For depriving us, in many cases, of the Benefits of 
Trial by Jury : 

For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pre- 
tended Offenses : 

For abolishing the free system of English Laws 
in a neighboring Province, establishing therein an ar- 
bitrary Government, and enlarging its boundaries, so 
as to render it at once an Example and fit Instrument 
for introducing the same Absolute Rule into these 
Colonies : *■ 

For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most 
valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the forms 
of our Governments : 

For suspending our own Legislatures, and declar- 



36 



Of Independence 

ing themselves invested with Power to legislate for us 
in all Cases whatsoever. 

He has abdicated Government here, by declaring 
us out of his Protection, and waging War against 
us. 

He has plundered our Seas, ravager' our Coasts, 
burnt our Towns, and destroyed the Lives of our 
People. 

He is at this Time, transporting large Armies of 
foreign Mercenaries to compleat the Works of Death, 
Desolation, and Tyranny, already begun with Cir- 
cumstances of Cruelty and Perfidy scarcely parallelled 
in the most barbarous Ages, and totally unworthy 
the Head of a civilized Nation. 

He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive 
on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, 
to become the Executioners of their Friends and 
Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands. 

He has excited Domestic Insurrections amongst us, 
and has endeavored to bring on the Inhabitants of our 
Frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known 
Rule of Warfare is an undistinguished Destruction, 
of all Ages, Sexes, and Conditions. 

In every Stage of these Oppressions we have peti- 
tioned for Redress, in the most humble Terms: Our 
repeated Petitions have been answered only by re- 
peated Injury. A Prince, whose Character is thus 
marked by every Act which may define a Tyrant, is 
unfit to be the Ruler of a free People. 

Nor have we been wanting in Attention to our 
British Brethren. We have warned them from Time 

37 



The Declaration 

to Time of Attempts to extend an unwarrantable 
Jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the 
Circumstances of our Emigration and Settlement here. 
We have appealed to their native Justice and Magna- 
nimity, and we have conjured them by the Ties of 
our Common Kindred to disavow these Usurpations, 
which would inevitably interrupt our Connections and 
Correspondence. They too have been deaf to the 
Voice of Justice and of Consanguinity. We must, 
therefore, acquiesce in the Necessity which denounces 
our Separation, a^d hold them, as we hold the rest of 
Mankind, Enemies in War; in Peace, Friends. 

We, therefore, the Representatives of the UNITED 
STATES OF AMERICA, in GENERAL CON- 
GRESS assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge 
of the World for the Rectitude of our Intentions, do 
in the Name and by the Authority of the gcxxl Peo- 
ple of these Colonies, solemnly Publish and Declare, 
That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought 
to be, FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES ; that 
they are absolved from all Allegiance to the British 
Crown, and that all political connection between them 
and the State of Great Britain, is, and ought to be, 
totally dissolved; and that as FREE AND INDE- 
PENDENT STATES, they have full Power to levy 
War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish 
Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which 
INDEPENDENT STATES may of Right do. And 
for the Support of this Declaration, with a firm Re- 
liance on the Protection of Divine Providence, we 



38 



Of Independence 

mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our For- 
tunes, and our sacred Honor. 

Signed by ORDER and on BEHALF of the 
CONGRESS, 

John Hancock, President. 
Attest, 

Charles Thompson, Secretary. 

The greater part of the offenses laid at the door 
of George HL in his dealing with his American colo- 
nists, now lie at our doors in our dealing with the 
colonists of South Africa. Nor need we be surprised 
if similar causes bring about similar results. Human 
nature is the same in South Africa as it was in Bos- 
ton and Philadelphia. The Dutch are as stubborn 
a breed as the descendants of the men of the May- 
flower. If the centrifugal force is certain to make 
itself felt upon the British Empire, its influence will 
be earliest perceptible upon those portions of our 
Empire which adhere most loosely to the parent body. 
The disruption of the Empire or its gradual disin- 
tegration under the superior attraction of the United 
States will begin in those territories where there is 
nothing to counteract the drawing power of gravitation 
in the shape of national sentiment or patriotic loyalty. 
In other words, the United Slates will have most pull 
over Ireland and South Africa, for in both of these 
lands the centrifugal forces of domestic discontent 
will reinforce the centripetal forces outside. 

The majority of the Irish in Ireland have never re- 
garded the British Empire with other sentiments than 

39 



Ireland and England 

those of hostility. Under English rule, they have seen 
their religion proscribed, their lands confiscated, their 
sons driven into exile. They have been denied the 
right to make their own laws and mocked with a gra- 
cious permission to be in a perpetual minority in an 
alien Parliament. Again and again they have risen in 
revolt only to learn on the scaffold and in the felon's 
cell the rewards which patriotism has in store for the 
laational heroes of Ireland. 

During the last century they have seen their num- 
bers dwindling in the land of their birth, not by the 
thousand, but by the million. At the same time a 
tardy confession has been wrung from the predominant 
partner that for the last fifty years Ireland has been 
overtaxed in comparison with England by more than 
two millions per annum. The inevitable result has 
followed. The majority of the Irish in Ireland re- 
gard the British Government not as their friend, but as 
the ally of their worst enemies, the vampire vv^hich 
preys upon their heart's blood. 

To the masses of the South and West of Ireland, and 
to a large extent of the North, the United States is more 
of a fatherland than Great Britain. They are much 
more interested in what goes on in New York than 
in London, or Chicago than in Westminster. It is to 
England that their money goes in rent and in taxes. 
It is from the United States that their money comes in 
a Pactolean flood of remittances through the post. In 
the United States there were at the census of 1890 
1,870,000 persons of Irish birth. Of those born of 
Irish parents on American soil who can say how many 

40 



America and Ireland 

there are ? More, it is safe to say, than are to be found 
in all Ireland to-day. 

If the majority of the Irish race find themselves to- 
day under the Stars and Stripes, and if the majority 
of the Irish in Ireland build all their hopes of success 
upon the support which they can draw from their kin 
beyond the sea, it is not surprising if Ireland should 
afiford a promising field for the disintegrating influence 
of American gravitation. It was from the Irish in 
America that Mr. Parnell drew the resources which 
made the Land League so powerful. 

It is to the Irish in America that Mr. Redmond has 
gone to solicit support for the United Irish League. It 
was from the American Irish that Patrick Ford col- 
lected the fund for "Spreading the Light." It is in the 
United States that the Clan-na-Gael has its headquar- 
ters; and it was from Chicago that the dynamitards 
set out when they undertook their campaign of ter- 
rorism which landed most of them in convict prisons. 
For the revolutionary party in Ireland America is 
their base, their banker, their recruiting ground, and 
their safe retreat. Every year Ireland becomes more 
and more Americanized, more and more assimilated to 
. the ideas of the democracy of the West. 

What America has given to the Irish is something 
much more valuable than dollars. It is only in the 
cities of the American Union that the Irish have had 
an opportunity of displaying those political gifts, the 
exercise of which they were denied in their own land. 
It is the fashion to sneer at the way in which the Irish 
rule New York, Chicago, and half the great cities of 

4J 



The Genius of Irish Control 

the Union. The details of their administration may 
leave much to be desired, but the extraordinary fashion 
in which they have succeeded in establishing their au- 
thority over the richest, most energetic, and most 
independent communities in the world, is one of the 
most brilliant and miraculous achievements in modern 
politics. Everywhere in a minority, they are every- 
where in the ascendant. Denied the elementary right 
of self-government in their own country on the score 
of political incapacity, they have in the New World 
afforded mankind one of the most signal illustrations 
of the art and craft political that the modern world 
has ever seen. All that may be said in criticism 
of the way in which they gained or used their power 
only enhances the wonder of it. 

Landing at Castle Garden, penniless, ignorant, and 
despised, they have made themselves in less than half 
a century the overlords of the greatest cities in the 
New World. The Anglo-Indian, with all the Empire 
at his back, has not a firmer grip upon the administra- 
tion of Calcutta than plain Richard Croker has en- 
joyed for half a lifetime over the commercial capital 
of America. Men who have done so much with so 
little, men who have created satrapies out of nothing 
and constrained the States that expelled the British to 
submit to their yoke, may be criminals, but they have 
in them the genius of statesmanship. 

This is the more remarkable when we contrast it 

with the utter failure of the British immigrant to leave 

any perceptible trace on the political development of 

the civic administration of the United States. In 

42 



The Irish Vote 

1890 there were in the United States of Irish birth 
1,870,000, but those of British birth were even more 
numerous. The figures are as follows : — 

England 909,092 

Wales 100,079 

Scotland 242,231 

1,251,402 

Canada and Newfoundland 980,938 



2,232,340 



From the British Isles, that vagina gentium, came 
three million persons who in 1890 were resident in the 
United States. Almost another million came from the 
British American colonies. Four million persons born 
under the Union Jack were in 1890 living under the 
Stars and Stripes. What influence had this enormous 
British element upon the politics or the government of 
the United States, or of any one of them? The only 
perceptible influence was that of the Irish minority, and 
that influence has been from the first and still is stead- 
ily exerted against the Empire within whose frontiers 
they were born. 

Every American politician recognizes the Irish vote 
as a powerful factor in every election. Who has ever 
been heard to speak of the English vote, the Welsh 
vote, the Scotch vote? There are no such votes. The 
English, the Welsh, and the Scotch are completely 
Americanized and lost among the mass of American 
born. The Irish alone remain distinct. The one race 

43 



Ireland an American State 

immune to complete Americanization is, nevertheless, 
the most potent enemy of Great Britain. They only 
remain nnassimilated in order that they may be strong 
enough to assist their brethren at home in throwing 
off the English yoke. 

At present the prospects of the Irish cause are 
brighter than they have been since the death of Mr. 
Pamell. Mr. Redmond has carried to his fellow- 
countrymen in the United States messages of high 
hope of coming victory. We trust that the Irish may 
not experience once more that disappointment which 
has so often dogged their path. But what has been 
may be, and the confidence excited by the re-estab- 
lishment of discipline in the Nationalist ranks, may 
once more be replaced by the gloom and chill of de- 
spair. What then? 

Is it entirely out of the pale of possible politics that a 
time may come, if no closer ties of a federal nature are 
established between the Empire and the Republic, when 
Ireland may gravitate from the United Kingdom to the 
United States? The only security against the occur- 
rence of such an event has disappeared. The United 
States, aspiring to be one of the first of naval powers, 
has begun to realize that it is the sea which unites, the 
land which divides. 

It was easier for the Oregon to steam round Cape 
Horn than to pierce the narrow isthmus which unites 
the Americas. Their hold on the Philippines has fa- 
miliarized the Americans with the possibility of 
dominion over sea. Dublin is not half as far from New 
York as Manitoba is from San Francisco. The 
44 



A Precedent in the Antilles 

Americans no longer rigidly confine tl-kemselves within 
the ring fence of the coast line of the oceans. They 
are spreading themselves abroad. Expansion is in 
the air. 

Several times in the last half century relations be- 
tween the Empire and the Republic have been some- 
what painfully strained. Now that the United States 
is conscious of its superior strength and is venturing 
more to move out into the open, occasions for friction 
are certain to be more numerous. If ever — which 
heaven forbid — these points of friction should develop 
actual collision between the two nations, Ireland would 
at once become an object of supreme interest to the 
Americans, as formerly it was to the French. 

As for the Irish, their maxim, "England's extremity 
is Ireland's opportunity," has been too well engraved 
into their consciousness for them not to realize the im- 
portance of utilizing such an occasion to the uttermost. 
Quite apart from all other possibilities, the never-to-be- 
overlooked chance that some day Britain may be at 
war, makes it the imperative duty of every American 
statesman not to let slip any opportunity that might 
render more certain and more valuable the support of 
Ireland in such a quarrel. 

This is assuming that the cause of dispute may be 
one altogether extraneous to Ireland. But we cannot 
overlook the possibility that Ireland itself might form 
the casus belli. 

The only foreign war which Americans of this gen- 
eration have waged was fought for the liberation of 
Cuba. Cuba was the Spaniard's Ireland. The Pearl 
of the Antilles, like the Emerald Isle, had suffered for 

45 



A Cry from Erin 

centuries from the unsympathetic rule of alien con- 
querors. The Cubans, like the Irish, were savagely 
discontented. 

Like the Irish, although not nearly to the same ex- 
tent, they had friends and sympathizers in all the great 
American cities. Cuba, like Ireland, was bled to death 
by the rapacity of the foreigner. At last, after long 
hesitation, the full cup of Spain's iniquities overflowed, 
the Americans rose and smote down with one smash- 
ing blow the rule of the Dons in the West Indies. The 
war was brief, brilliant, and decisive As the result the 
islands which Weyler had wasted with sword and flame 
are enjoying a prosperity before unheard of. And the 
American people as a whole are exceedingly well 
pleased at the result of their first essay as a liberating 
Power. 

All these things render it by no means improbable 
that a piteous appeal from the Irish after the next 
famine, or, more likely still, after the next abortive 
insurrection, will find the American ear quick to hear 
the cry from weeping Erin, "Come over and help us." 
Probably most of my readers will shrug their shoul- 
ders at this speculation, and dismiss it as fantastic 
nonsense. 

To all such I will put but one question. Do they 
imagine for one moment that if British generals were 
to put in force against Irish insurgents of the Twentieth 
Century all the pitch cap devilries of 1798, any power 
on earth would be able to keep the American people 
from interposing between our soldiery and their vic- 
tims? There is not an American city which has not 
46 



What Ireland Might Do 

among its most influential men some one who was 
born in the country which was desolated by our 
dragoons. 

The cry of anguish that would rise from the fire- 
blasted country, in Connaught and in Munster, would 
reverberate through every American city. The mem- 
ories of the old blood feud would revive. The 
shade of Washington would be invoked against the 
descendants of the men whom he drove from the 
United States, and the sword of Columbia would not 
be returned to its scabbard before Ireland had been 
placed beside Cuba among the proud trophies of the 
humanitarian and liberating zeal of the American 
people. 

If this is the outlook in Ireland, what can we say 
about that other Ireland which our rulers are, with in- 
credible fatality, wasting our substance in manufac- 
turing in South Africa? It is probable that the dis- 
integrating influence of the United States will be felt 
more speedily in Cape Town, in Kimberley, and in 
Johannesburg, than in Dublin, Cork, and Belfast. 

This speculation may seem fantastic to those who 
have never reflected upon the extraordinary rapidity 
with which nations discover that they have a provi- 
dential mission to assist the oppressed when their in- 
terests or their passions lead them to desire a pretext 
for interference. But it is as well to remember that, 
as far back as 1896, Mr. William O'Brien declared in 
the pages of the Nineteenth Century the possibility of 
American intervention on behalf of Ireland. He even 
suggested that after the next general election all the 

47 



Irish-American Sympathy 

Nationalist members returned for Irish constituencies 
should refuse to come to Westminster, but should pro- 
ceed to Washington to formally lay their appeal before 
the Congress of the United States. 

The article was entitled, "If Ireland sent her M.P.'s 
to Washington." It opened with the suggestion that 
the first business that an Anglo-American Court of 
Arbitration would have to deal with would be the rela- 
tions between Great Britain and Ireland. The most 
notable passage in the article runs as follows: "Sup- 
posing that the Irish electors should say, 'Enough of 
idle babble in the English Parliament. We will elect 
representatives pledged not to go to Westminster, but 
to Washington to lay the case of Ireland before the 
President and Congress of the United States with all 
the solemnity of a nation's appeal, and to invoke the 
intervention which was so successful in the case of 
Venezuela.' Eighty-two Irish members, five-sixths of 
the Irish representation, transferred from the Parlia- 
ment of England to the Congress of the United States 
by deliberate national decree, would represent an in- 
ternational event of whose importance the most su- 
percilious jingo would not afifect to make light." 

Mr. O'Brien thought that if such a pilgrimage took 
place, the Irish representatives would be received with 
open arms. He said "the public opinion of the United 
States could not resist such an appeal from Ireland. I 
think few will doubt it who know the depth of Ameri- 
can sympathy with Ireland, and the interest that all 
Americans, and not the least, Irish Americans, have 
in eliminating the Irish question from their own in- 

48 



Stars and Stripes over Ireland 

ternal politics. Enlightened Englishmen who desire 
at one and the same time to conciliate Ireland, and to 
deliver the United States and England from periodical 
fits of war fever, ought to be the first to welcome the 
intervention of the new Court of Arbitration in Irish 
affairs. It would turn a controversy which may easily 
enough be the beginning of a new and implacable 
quarrel between the two great English-speaking Pow- 
ers into a pledge of genuine amity between them. What 
seems to me reasonably certain," said Mr. O'Brien five 
years ago, "is that the centre of gravity of the Irish 
difficulty some time to come is about to shift from 
Westminster to Washington." 

Mr. McHugh, who, fresh from a British dungeon, 
accompanied by Mr. Redmond in 1901, in his pilgrim- 
age to the United States, boldly proclaimed his belief 
that Ireland would soon take a greater step forward 
and would demand admittance into the Union as one 
of the United States. Too much importance need not 
be attached to such suggestions, which are often thrown 
out like sparks to dazzle and to expire. But in view of 
the widespread recognition on the part of many Eng- 
lish-speaking men on this side of the Atlantic, of 
the imminent desirability, not to say necessity, of 
creating a great English-speaking political interna- 
tional trust, these suggestions are not without their 
significance. 

Certain persons, who form their estimate of Ameri- 
can public opinion solely from the utterances of the 
wealthy classes in New York, may scout the idea that 
any sane or statesmanlike American would ever enter- 
tain the suggestion put forward by Mr. William 

4? 



Stars and Stripes over Ireland 

O'Brien. If they look a little below the surface, or if 
they extend their investigations into American public 
opinion a little further they would modify their con- 
clusion. 

Nine years ago this very subject was discussed by 
one of the sanest and most sagacious of American 
writers in an article published in the Contemporary 
Review of September, 1892. In this paper Dr. Shaw, 
who had been asked by the editor to set forth in plain 
terms what was the American view of Home Rule and 
Federation, referred to the possible consequences thaf 
might result from the refusal of the predominant part- 
ner to concede Home Rule to Ireland. 

"If England persisted in this course," said Dr. Shaw, 
"Ireland itself might falter in its loyalty at some time 
of crisis. We do not want Ireland, yet obviously we 
could make her very comfortable and happy as a State 
in our Union. And in the nature of things it is not 
easy to see why the American flag might not float over 
the Emerald Isle with as much propriety as the British 
flag in territories contiguous to our border. More- 
over, there might be much moral justification for our 
reception of Ireland in the fact that we should at once 
give that community a place in a rational system of 
political organization, and prom.ote its general welfare 
and progress, whereas without Home Rule it must re- 
main in a distraught condition. Our mission in Ireland 
would be the same as England professes in Egypt — to 
pacify, restore, and bless. But we could have no object 
in undertaking this expensive annexation of Ireland 
except the welfare of humanity and the progress of the 
English-speaking communities of the world." 

50 



The Americanization of 
the World 



Chapter Fourth 

Of South Africa 

No phrase has been more frequently used in the dis- 
cussion of the South African question than that the 
poHcy of Mr. Chamberlain is creating for us "another 
Ireland in South Africa." Without striking into the 
forbidden path of political controversy it suffices to 
point out that Mr. Chamberlain himself has warned us 
that when his war has been brought to a close we shall 
require to maintain for an indefinite time a standing 
army of 50,000 men in South Africa in order to enforce 
the obedience of the 300,000 unwilling subjects whom 
we have determined to compel to remain within the 
borders of the Empire. 

Since that calculation has been made the British 
garrison in South Africa has been steadily maintained 
at a figure considerably above 200,000. Even now the 
military expert of The Times calculates that in the first 
six months after all fighting has ceased it will be only 
possible to recall 30,000 men, and that we must con- 
template the necessity of maintaining for a time, to 

5J 



The Future of South Africa 

which no limit can be placed, an armed force of 170,000 
men. But the number of bayonets upon which we shall 
find it necessary to sit in our South African dominions 
is a detail. 

Whether they are 50,000 or 170,000 or 200,000, 
the seat will be equally uncomfortable, the only 
difference being one of expenditure. The funda- 
mental point to be kept in view is that in South Africa 
it may be for years or it may be for generations, we 
have deliberately elected to establish our dominion by 
reliance upon military force. Before the war our Em- 
pire in South Africa was one of consent. After the 
war it will be one of conquest maintained by an armed 
garrison. 

The Dutch of Cape Colony, who were so loyal im- 
mediately before the war as to take the lead of every 
Colony in the Empire in voting an annual subsidy for 
the maintenance of the British fleet, are being con- 
verted into implacable enemies of our rule. But it is 
probable that the force which will dislodge the Afri- 
kander Commonwealth from the position to which we 
have destined it in the orbit of the British Empire, and 
which will convert it into one of the stars in the con- 
stellation of the United States of America, will not in 
the first instance at least be Dutch. We shall lose 
South Africa, not by the armed revolt of our alien- 
ated subjects, but because we can no longer depend 
upon the support and co-operation in maintaining our 
authority over the much more immediately dangerous 
and uncontrollable element which we are doing our 
best to bring into existence in Johannesburg. 

52 



The Jameson Conspiracy 

In order to understand the true inwardness of this 
observation it is necessary to go back to the fatal mo- 
ment in South African history when Mr. Rhodes de- 
cided to enter upon that which is known in history as 
the Jameson Conspiracy. 

So Httle is known of the inner springs of poHtical 
action, that it is possible most of my American readers 
will hear for the first time in these pages that the pres- 
ent disastrous war in South Africa is the direct result 
of a jealousy of American influence. It is common 
ground that this war dates from the Jameson Raid. 
The raid begat the armaments, the armaments begat 
Lord Milner's intervention, and that intervention 
brought on the war. But what begat the raid ? Upon 
this point I can speak with authority, as I have fre- 
quently heard the whole story of that most disastrous 
blunder from the lips of the man who conceived the 
conspiracy, and risked everything in order to carry 
it out. 

No mistake can be greater than the vulgar error of 
imagining that Mr. Rhodes hatched the Jameson con- 
spiracy out of any animosity or fear of the Boers. 
Mr. Rhodes has always been very partial to the Dutch. 
Man for man, he knows that the Boer is a better phys- 
ical, virile creature than the city-bred people of Great 
Britain. Politically, he had always worked with them. 
He never would have been Premier except by their 
aid, and no man ever formulated more emphatically the 
axiom that without the support of the Dutch you can- 
not govern South Africa. 

Why, then, did he enter into a conspiracy to over- 

53 



Cecil Rhodes' Mistake 

throw President Kruger ? Mr. Rhodes' own answer to 
this, which I have heard many times from his own 
lips, is that his object was not primarily but only 
incidentally to overthrow Kruger. His one supreme 
aim was to capture the Outlanders, to secure their 
allegiance to the British Empire, and to avert the one 
thing he dreaded most of all, the establishment of what 
he called an American Republic in the Transvaal, 
which, in his own vigorous phrase, would have been 
ten times more a child of the devil for us to deal 
with than Paul Kruger had ever been. 

Mr. Rhodes was a little too previous in his calcula- 
tions — a fault on virtue's side, especially in these days, 
when our Ministers seem congenitally incapable of an 
intelligent anticipation of events to come. But to un- 
derstand a miscalculation after the event is easy. It is 
more difficult to foresee. What Mr. Rhodes thought 
he saw was the Rand filling up with a heterogeneous 
conglomerate of adventurous, unscrupulous, unat- 
tached mortals, all intent primarily upon making their 
fortune. These men outnumbered the adult burghers 
of the Transvaal by four to one. The Boers were prac- 
tically imarmed, without even adequate supply of cart- 
ridges for their rifles, except for protection against the 
natives. Their artillery was v,^orthless. 

Although some attempt had been made to construct 
a fort to overawe Johannesburg, they were utterly 
unprepared for a coup de main. The previous elec- 
tion for President had shown the existence of a very 
strong minority hostile to Paul Kruger. Mr. Rhodes 
was led to believe by his confidential informants that 
54 



Cecil Rhodes' Mistake 

the Outlanders were not -n the mood to tolerate any 
longer the authority of the Boers. Their leaders were 
represented as being only one degree less hostile to 
the British Government than they were to President 
Kruger, the cause of their complaint being the fact 
that Mr. Rhodes and the High Commissioner had 
never given them any effective assistance in their cam- 
paign against Krugerism. 

The Outlanders were men who had at their disposi- 
tion the enormous wealth of the Rand, that treasure of 
the Nibelungs which has drenched the veldt with hu- 
man blood — they were men of all nationalities and of 
none — and even those who came from Great Britain 
and the Colonies held very loosely to the Empire. 
Conspicuous among those were the Irish and the 
miners, whom Mr. Rhodes described as the ''Sydney 
Bulletin Australians." 

The Sydney Bulletin, it may here be explained, is 
an extremely able weekly illustrated paper, published 
in Sydney, which neither fears God nor reverences 
the King, and which makes British Imperialism the fa- 
vorite butt of its attacks. German Jews, Frenchmen, 
Russians, Poles, Hollanders, and Americans — it was 
a motley crowd that the great golden magnet had at- 
tracted to Johannesburg — of which one thing at least 
could be stated without hesitation, viz., that it had as 
little enthusiasm for the Union Jack or for anything 
more ideal than dollars and cents as any assemblage uf 
human beings that could be collected on the prlanet. 
It was a godless crew, of whom one shrewd observer 
remarked, that it was too much addicted to gambling, 

55 



The Fatal Blunder 

women, and whisky to have the proper revolutionary 
fibre. 

But gross mammon-worshipper though it might be, 
Mr. Rhodes beheved it was the brain as well as the 
pocket of Africa. He knew it was fretfully impatient 
of the irksome restrictions enforced by President 
Kruger. He underestimated the resisting force of the 
Boers, and believed that at any moment the new^s 
might come that a bloodless revolution had taken 
place in the Transvaal, that Paul Kruger had disap- 
peared, and that in his place he would have to deal 
with a President of a new Republic flushed with vic- 
tory, angry at being refused all help, and very much 
inclined to pay off old scores by being much more anti- 
British than the Boers had been. 

"In fact," said Mr. Rhodes to me when he was ex- 
plaining how it w'as he came to make the one fatal 
blunder of his career, — *'it seemed to me quite certain 
that if I did not take a hand in the game the forces on 
the spot would soon make short work of President 
Kruger. Then I should be face to face with an Amer- 
ican Republic — American in the sense of being intense- 
ly hostile to and jealous of Britain — an American Re- 
public largely manned by Americans and Sydney Bul- 
letin Australians who cared nothing for the old flag. 
They would have all the wealth of the Rand at their 
disposal. The drawing power of the Outlander Re- 
public would have collected roinid it all the other 
Colonies. They would have federated with it as a 
centre, and we should have lost South Africa. To 



56 



The South African Republic 

avert this catastrophe, to rope in the Outlanders be- 
fore it was too late, I did what I did." 

Repeated conversations with Mr. Rhodes, even so 
recently as last autumn, found him unchanged in the 
conviction that the danger of that American Republic 
in the heart of South Africa justified his conspiracy. 
Kruger was doomed anyhow. It was for England to 
stand in with the Rising Sun. 

Not only will Americans be interested in knowing the 
true story of the genesis of the Jameson conspiracy, 
they will be not less surprised to know that its failure 
was largely due to President Cleveland's message on 
the Venezuelan Question. The Jameson Conspiracy, 
as originally planned, based its hope of success upon 
a revolutionary movement in Johannesburg, in which 
all nationalities were to take part. Conspicuous among 
the conspirators were the Americans, John Hays Ham- 
mond and Captain Mein, and round them were several 
other Americans whose sympathies were enlisted by 
the idea that they were in some way emulating the 
exploits of the fathers of the Revolution in overthrow- 
ing a new George HI. in the person of President 
Kruger. 

When Mr. Chamberlain made it the condition of his 
connivance in the conspiracy that Dr. Jameson should 
go in under the British flag, and that the next Gov- 
ernor of the Transvaal should be appointed by the 
Colonial Office, he hamstrung the one chance of suc- 
cess which the conspiracy had possessed. His con- 
dition about the flag was suppressed for a while, but 
the news leaked out just about the time when the anti- 

57 



The Conspiracy that Failed 

British sentiment among Americans everywhere was 
excited to fever heat by President Cleveland's message 
about Venezuela. The immediate result was that the 
American members of the Johannesburg Conspiracy 
flatly refused to go on with the revolution. They 
said they were willing to stake their lives for a bona 
fide revolution, to make a clean sweep of the Kruger- 
ites and put up a better government in its stead, but 
they point blank and in set terms refused to go another 
step in what they described as a job to "gobble up" 
the Transvaal for England. 

Explanations and disclosures were forthcoming, but 
the mischief was done. The whole revolutionary 
movement had received its death blow when the Amer- 
icans discovered Mr. Chamberlain's design. The sub- 
sequent effort of Dr. Jameson to galvanize the revolu- 
tion into life need not be referred to here, excepting to 
say that the responsibility for this fiasco lies primarily 
at the door of the Colonial Minister, whose "Hurry 
up" messages were admittedly inspired by a desire to 
get the revolutoin over before the Venezuelan-Amer- 
ican trouble became acute. 

The story how that conspiracy miscarried is ancient 
history. Dr. Jameson and his men, Mr. Rhodes and 
all their backers, fared as men usually do who sell the 
lion's skin before the lion is dead. But the impor- 
tant point is that standpoint of Mr. Rhodes, and the 
fact that in his opinion the danger point to the Empire 
in South Africa five years ago was not to be sought 
among the Dutch but among the Outlanders, and 
what Mr. Rhodes saw then is doubly true to-day. The 

58 



Reconstruction 

real danger that threatens the Empire in South Africa 
is not to be found so much in the sleepless hostility 
of the Dutch, whose homes have been burned and 
whose children have been done to death, as one of the 
humane corollaries of the policy of devastation and 
farm burning. It is to be found in the cosmopolitan 
population whom we are summoning back to the Rand. 

It is a common error to maintain that the Outlanders 
love us, and that even if they did not love us before 
the war we have purchased their affection, admiration, 
and loyalty by the immensity of the sacrifice in the last 
two years. That, however, is not the way in which the 
Outlander looks at it at all. He considers that British 
incompetence, British shortsightedness, and the insuf- 
ferable arrogance and ignorance of our military 
officers, have subjected him for two years to privations 
which he would never have suffered if we had shown 
ordinary capacity in the conduct of the war. Between 
the mining community and the military satraps who 
act upon their own prejudice and caprice, and are 
responsible for martial law throughout the whole of 
South Africa, there is a bitter feud. No Dutchman 
speaks with such contempt of the British military 
authorities as do the men on whose behalf the whole of 
our sacrifices have been incurred. 

Two years' experience in refugee camps in Cape 
Town and Natal have not sweetened the temper of 
these quondam political helots who aroused the gush- 
ing sympathy of Lord Milner. They will return, and 
with them will return a horde of political adventurers 
from all parts of the world. In the next twenty 

59 



Difficult Element 

years i300,cxx),ooo sterling will be extracted from the 
mines of the Rand, and where the carcase is there 
will the vultures be gathered together. It is confi- 
dently calculated that the white mining population that 
will throng to the Rand will number a minimum of 
a quarter of a million, and possibly there may be as 
many as 350,000. The population will be preponder- 
antly male, but it will not be anything like preponder- 
antly British. There will be any number of Ameri- 
cans, the Sydney Bulletin Australians will come once 
more to the front, there will be swarms of Polish Jews, 
and any number of adventurous Frenchmen, Germans, 
Russians, and Dutch. 

These men will go there with one object, and that 
is to enrich themselves as rapidly as possible, and no 
community in the world will be more impatient of 
any restriction upon their liberty or of the imposition 
of any burdens which in their opinions ought not to 
be imposed upon them without their consent. Im- 
agine this cosmopolitan community of gold-seekers 
compelled to submit to the arbitrary restrictions of 
military rule, taxed without their consent, and saddled 
with a large share of what they regard as the alto- 
gether unnecessary expenditure which was caused by 
the blundering incompetence of the British Government 
and British military authorities. It is not pretended 
that for years to come there will be anything in the 
shape of free Parliamentary government established 
in any part of South Africa. On the contrary, we are 
told every day that it may be years or it may be genera- 
tions before the rule of the sword is replaced. 
60 



An Opinion of Chamberlain 

We are further told by those excellent ministers of 
the Gospel under whose benediction the war has 
been waged, that as the result of our sacrifices Down- 
ing Street is going to settle the native question in 
South Africa upon the principles of Exeter Hall. 
What will be the result ? Two years will not pass be- 
fore we have Johannesburg in a seething mass of dis- 
content, a charged mine to which a match may at 
any moment be accidentally applied. You only need 
to move among the leading members of the mining 
community either in London or in Africa to under- 
stand what the future has in store for us. "How long 
do you Outlanders" — I asked an eminent reformer 
who had done time in jail for his share in the Jame- 
son conspiracy — "how long do you think you can 
tolerate Crown Colony government in Johannesburg?" 
— "Some people," he said, "say eighteen months. So 
far as my people are concerned, I should think that 
about two days is as much as they could stand." 

From him, as from another still more eminent 
authority, I heard the bitterest complaints concerning 
the ignorance and arrogance of the Colonial Secretary. 
"President Kruger at his worst," said one whose stake 
in the Rand is second to none— "President Kruger at 
his worst was an angel of light compared with Mr. 
Chamberlain. The man is as pig-headed as he is 
ignorant, and as unapproachable as the Mikado in old 
times. Does he think that we are Hottentots, that 
we can be governed in this fashion? We are not 
Hottentots, and that he will soon find out." Evidence 
multiplies on every hand to show that when the mines 

6( 



New Conditions 

get to work again, the Outlanders will sigh for the 
fleshpots of Egypt in the old days of Paul Kruger. 
I have already referred to the native question as that 
in which the interests of the mine owner and the 
philanthropic interests of the British public are likely 
to come into sharp collision. 

There are many other questions. Take, for in- 
stance, the question of federation. It is always said 
that we are going to create a new federated Empire 
in South Africa. "If you want federation," said one 
of the rich men of the Rand to me quite recently, "you 
had better federate before we get back. You cer- 
tainly will never federate after we once have felt our 
strength. Why should we federate? What does fed- 
eration mean to us? It means first and foremost that 
you intend to tie round our neck as a millstone the 
railway debt of Natal and Cape Colony. It means 
that you are going to saddle us with a responsibility 
for paying interest on £45,000,000 invested in railways 
which would never earn more than i per cent, if it 
were not for us. What have we to do with the Cape 
lines? Delagoa Bay is our port. Leave us to our- 
selves and we shall double the line to Delagoa Bay, 
and that will supply all that we want much more 
cheaply and rapidly than we could bring anything from 
Durban or the Cape." 

If any one wants to understand exactly the rela- 
tion that will exist between the returned Outlanders 
when the lines get into operation again and the mili- 
tary authorities who must of necessity for a long 
time be charged with the control of the country, he 
62 



Crown Colony 

can see it as In a magic mirror if he will take the 
trouble to recall the relations which existed between 
Colonel Kekewich and Mr. Rhodes during the siege 
of Kimberley. The soldier despises the mine-owner, 
and the latter repays his contempt with interest. On 
the other hand, the war has created a genuine feeling 
of respect between the fighting Colonist and the fight- 
ing Boer. 

Upon that basis of mutual respect mutual co-opera- 
tion could very rapidly be arranged if once a question 
arose in which they had a common enemy. That com- 
mon enemy will not be far to seek. In any collision 
that may arise between Downing Street and Johan- 
nesburg, Downing Street will be helpless, because 
Johannesburg can always striks up a fighting alliance 
with the Dutch, whereas Downing Street can never 
rely upon Dutch support, at least during the lifetime 
of this generation. 

What seems probable, therefore, is that if the war 
should ever come to an end, and a cosmopolitan popu- 
lation of gold diggers should place 250,000 men on the 
Rand, the community will insist upon governing itself 
in its own way. They will form precisely that "Ameri- 
can Republic," although probably not under the name 
of a republic, which Mr. Rhodes saw afar off and 
endeavored to avert. Any attempt on our part to 
compel them to pay taxes to which they have not 
consented would be followed by an African imita- 
tion of the Tea Party in Boston harbor. And any 
attempt to punish such defiance of our authority would 



^S 



A New Republic 

immediately precipitate an alliance with the Afrikan- 
ders which would leave us powerless, no matter how 
strong our garrison, and so the British Empire will 
perish in South Africa, smitten down by the very 
Outlanders on whose behalf we are supposed to have 
waged this war. 

This speculation may seem to many far-fetched, 
but the premises upon which the calculations are based 
are indisputable. We are going to try the experi- 
ment of governing an adventurous community, accus- 
tomed to liberty, by what — however disguised — is in 
reality a military despotism. We intend to impose 
taxes upon this community without their consent ; 
we are pledged to secure rights and privileges for 
the natives, any attempt to fulfil which would afford 
a common platform for Boer and Outlander. These 
are the difficulties which Mr. Rhodes foresaw in 1895. 
but at that time England at the worst could always 
rely upon the support of the Dutch in South Africa 
in maintaining her authority. 

There was no danger of a revolt on the Rand 
against the paramountcy of Britain when all the 
farmers in South Africa could be relied upon to sup- 
port the Empire against the Rand. But to-day we 
have destroyed the only force upon which we could 
rely in South Africa, and we shall be reduced to the 
humiliating alternative of allowing Johannesburg to 
govern South Africa according to its own sweet will 
and pleasure, or of precipitating a struggle which 
could only have the same result. If at the end of it all 



^' 



American Influences 

we are permitted to retain Simon's Bay as a coaling- 
station for our Navy, we may consider ourselves lucky. 
The Afrikander Commonwealth may split off from 
the British Empire. It does not exactly follow that 
it will array itself under the Stars and Stripes. But, 
on the other hand, there are several influences which 
may tend in that direction. 

In the first place very many of the most energetic 
citizens in Johannesburg will be American citizens. 
In the second place they will, for some time at least, 
be in very strained relations with Great Britain. What 
would be more natural than for them to seek support 
in the sister republic across the seas? 

Great Britain would not be the only Power against 
which the Afrikander Commonwealth might find that 
it needed the friendly protection of a first-class fleet. 
German territory marches with that which is now 
British South Africa, both on the east and west, and 
German ambition has often marked Dutch South 
Africa as her natural inheritance. 

Nor is fear the only motive which might drive the 
Afrikanders under the sheltering wing of the Ameri- 
can Eagle. Delagoa Bay, from the point of view of 
international law, thanks to the unfortunate award 
of Marshal MacMahon, belongs by sovereign right 
to Portugal; but the ground around Delagoa Bay is 
held as real estate by the millionaires of the Rand. 
They will attempt in the first case to deal with Portu- 
gal, but if they fail, it is by no means improbable that 
if they were assured of the support of a strong navy, 

45 



Commercial Invasion 

they would attempt to secure the right of ownership 
to what is, after all, the front door of their own house. 

Add to this the fact that the possibility of a native 
rising can never be absent from the minds of the 
white minority in South Africa. Australians may do 
as they please, their natives are too few and too weak 
to menace their peace. In Africa it is different. The 
menacing figure of the Kaffir is never absent from 
the South African landscape. The Afrikanders would 
feel much more comfortable if they knew that, should 
the worst come to the worst, they could always count 
upon reinforcements from beyond the sea in case of 
a native rising, and where else could they hope to 
secure that after the breach with England excepting 
from the United States? 

But it will be said that the sister republic will have 
nothing to do with them, and as proof of this we shall 
be referred to the cold-blooded fashion in which Presi- 
dent McKinley left the South African Republics to 
their fate. But many circumstances combined to ren- 
der it difficult for President McKinley to take any 
other course. The United States had just emerged 
from a war in which they believed, rightly or wrongly, 
that they had been saved from a hostile European com- 
bination by the benevolent neutrality and veiled alli- 
ance of Great Britain. 

They were also waging a war of their own in the 
Philippines which rendered it practically impossible 
for them to pose as the champions of a nation rightly 
struggling to be free. And, in the third place, there 



66 



Quid Pro Quo 

will be a very great difference between an English- 
speaking republic, largely officered by Americans, ap- 
pealing to Washington against an attempt on the part 
of the British Empire to enforce the principle of taxa- 
tion without representation, and a similar appeal which 
came to the same republic from Dutch-speaking States 
which were popularly believed to be little better than 
barbarians offering a vain resistance to the onward 
march of civilization. Fiscal considerations are also 
likely to pull in the same direction. 

The United States has been diligently preparing 
to invade the South African market as soon as the 
war affords them an opportunity. Mr. Roosevelt, in 
carrying out the policy of President McKinley, and 
using the tariff as a means of securing reciprocal con- 
cessions in the shape of reductions of tariff on Ameri- 
can goods, would be able to offer very tempting terms 
to the Afrikander Commonwealth. 

The Kimberley mines export every year nearly five 
million pounds' worth of diamonds to all parts of 
the world. Upon these diamonds the American cus- 
toms duty is ten per cent. Here is an opportunity of 
making a reduction in return for a quid pro quo. The 
United States in 1900 exported to South Africa goods 
valued at twenty million dollars, not including miports 
for military use or American goods shipped m Eng- 
land. This showed an increase of three and a half 
million dollars over the preceding twelve months, not- 
withstanding the drop that was occasioned by the war, 
which practically extinguished the demand for agri- 

67 



Quid Pro Quo 

cultural machinery. Supposing that Mr. Roosevelt is 
able to do a deal with Mr. Rhodes, cutting the duty on 
diamonds by fifty per cent, in return for a similar cut 
on duties charged on American imports into the Cape, 
who could complain ? 

Between July ist, 1899, and January 31st, 1901, 
the Cape Government imported twenty American loco- 
motives, and since then they have been buying exten- 
sively in the United States. From the account given 
by Mr. C. Elliott, ex-General Manager of the Cape 
Railway Administration, the Americans not only sup- 
plied the engines on trust, but they returned i450 on 
six locomotives, stating that the cost of construction 
had not been so great as was anticipated. The Ameri- 
cans having got hold are not to be shaken off. Mr. 
Pingree's visit to the seat of war last year, in the joint 
interest of political curiosity and the promotion of 
the sale of American boots, was but one among many 
illustrations of the care and thoroughness with which 
the Americans are preparing to seize the South Afri- 
can market. They leave to us the cost, the risk, the 
sacrifices of the war. They reserve to themselves the 
profit to be made by exporting American goods to the 
customers who will be left alive at the close of the 
war. 

Few things seem less improbable than that the 
Afrikander Commonwealth, under the leadership of 
Johannesburg, if constituted as an independent re- 
public, might very soon find itself in friendly treaty 
alliance with the United States. 



68 



Quid Pro Quo 

The experiment, therefore, of attempting to enforce 
our dominion over unwilling subjects in South Africa 
is likely to terminate disastrously for the Empire. The 
fact that what would be a source of weakness to Great 
Britain would be a source of strength to the United 
States is due solely to the difference between willing 
and unwilling subjects. 



69 



The Americanization of 
the World 



Chapter Fifth 

Of the "West Indies and Thereabouts 

We now turn from what may be regarded as the 
diseased members of the British Empire, who being 
in unwilling and enforced subjection, can be counted 
upon to lose no opportunity of transferring their 
allegiance from the King to the President of the United 
States, to those parts of the British Empire which 
are most likely to succumb to the operation of the 
law of political gravitation. 

In the case of the United States the force of this 
is likely to be felt most strongly in the West Indian 
islands. The British flag at the present moment is 
flying over a series of archipelagoes of small islands 
lying in the Caribbean Sea immediately to the south 
of Florida and at the doorstep of the United States. 

70 



Jamaica's Decline 

Of these islands by far the most important is Ja-. 
maica, after which come Trinidad and Barbadoes. 
The others are islets rather than islands, but together 
they figure conspicuously in the list of British posses- 
sions in North America. 

Distinct from the West Indian group, lying farther 
to the northeast are the Bahamas, and still farther 
away lie the islands of Bermuda. The Bermudas are 
coming more and more to hold the relation to the 
United States which the . Channel Islands hold to 
France. Although lying close at her doors, they are 
under a foreign flag, and they attract every year an 
increasing number of visitors from the mainland. 
The West Indian islands, these "summer isles of 
Eden set in azure seas," which excited the enthusiasm 
of Charles Kingsley, and many another traveller before 
and since, have long been the despair of our Colonial 
Office. Mr. Chamberlain has been engaged, ever 
since his accession to office, in a desperate endeavor 
to restore some semblance of prosperity to our un- 
fortunate possessions which have been ruined by the 
sugar bounties. 

Jamaica possesses an exceptional interest, for it was 
the only colony founded by Oliver Cromwell. Like 
many another colony, it came into existence by acci- 
dent rather than design. The great naval expedition 
which he launched to attack the power of Spain in 
San Domingo miscarried and picked up Jamaica as a 
kind of consolation prize. For nearly 200 years after 
its annexation Jamaica prospered. It survived the 
emancipation of the slaves. But it received a deadly 

71 



Jamaica's Decline 

wound when the imposition of the sugar bounties in 
the interests of beet sugar ruined the cane sugar plan- 
tations of the West Indies. 

Mr. Brooks Adams, in a remarkable and very som- 
bre paper on "England's Decadence in the West In- 
dies," republished by Macmillan in "America's Eco- 
omic Supremacy," attributes the destruction of the 
West Indies to the policy of Germany. He sa^s: 
"Taken in all its ramifications this destruction of the 
sugar interest may probably be reckoned the heaviest 
financial blow that a competitor has ever dealt Great 
Britain." 

Towards 1880 the British West Indies made a profit 
calculated at about £6,500,000 per annum. Germany 
ruined the West Indies by adherence to Napoleon's 
policy of attack. For nearly three generations the 
chief Continental nations, with hostile intent, paid 
bounties on the export of sugar. 

In August, 1896, Germany and Austria doubled their 
bounties, and the following spring France advanced 
hers. The English got their sugar cheaper at the 
cost of the taxpayers of the Continent, but the cane 
sugar industry was practically destroyed ; the islands 
of Dominica and Santa Lucia have become almost 
wildernesses ; the whole archipelago has been blighted. 
Our consumption of sugar has enormously increased. 
In 1869 every Englishman consumed 42 lbs. of sugar 
as against 35 lbs. in the United States. The other 
countries varied from the Italian minimum of 7 lbs. 
per head to a maximum of 28 lbs. in France. 



72 



I 



From Bad to Worse 

As the result of artificial cheapening of sugar by 
means of subsidies the English consumption per head 
rose in 1897 to 84 lbs., that is to say, while the price 
of sugar was reduced by one-half the consumption of 
sugar doubled. Our sugar bill remained the same, 
but every man, woman, and child of us doubled his 
consumption. Mr. Brooks Adams thinks that we acted 
unwisely in accepting the bribe offered us in the 
shape of cheap sugar. In his opinion we should have 
fought the boimties by countervailing duties, and so 
have warded off the blow that was levelled against 
the prosperity of our own colonies. 

Be that as it may, there is no doubt as to what is 
the opinion of the West Indian planters. They main- 
tain that the bounty system was not fair competition, 
and that they have been sacrificed on the altar of a 
doctrinaire Free Trade. The subsequent efforts which 
have been made by Mr. Chamberlain to restore the 
prosperity of these islands have not been remarkably 
successful. 

For a long time past they have been sinking from 
bad to worse until in the last decade of the Nineteenth 
Century it became evident that something must be 
done, and done at once, if our West Indian Colonies 
were not to go bankrupt. Mr. Chamberlain appointed 
a Commission, of which Sir Edward Grey was the 
most important member. It issued a report, and Mr. 
Chamberlain has ever since been more or less strenu- 
ously endeavoring to carry out its recommendations. 

So far the activity of the Colonial Secretary does 
not appear to have been fraught with much benefit 

73 



From Bad to Worse 

to the Colony. The impoverished inhabitants are 
much more painfully conscious of the immediate in- 
crease in taxation which the changes have involved 
than the more or less remote and hypothetical advan- 
tages which they are promised in the future. A sub- 
sidy to a line of cargo steamers has not been suffi- 
cient to bring the up-country negro into immediate 
touch with Covent Garden market, and discontent 
seems to be rife in the island, which in some districts 
resembles nothing so much as a huge pauper warren. 

There are some Jamaicans, indeed, who complain 
bitterly that Mr. Chamberlain's method of promoting 
the prosperity of Jamaica bears too much resemblance 
to the time-honored expedient of feeding a dog with a 
piece of his own tail. 

It will be admitted even by the greatest optimist 
that the state of Jamaica and of the other West In- 
dian Colonies still leaves much to be desired, and it is 
equally indisputable that West Indians themselves at- 
tribute their disasters to the fiscal policy of the Em- 
pire to which they belong. Not only so, but the fact 
that the inhabitants did not suffer even worse things 
they attribute to the enterprise of a Boston man who 
established a flourishing trade in bananas with the 
United States. A writer in the Daily Telegraph of 
Jamaica, says : "Poor impoverished Jamaica should 
never be ungrateful to America for making markets 
for our sugars and bananas during a period when in 
England the policy was, 'Oh, cut the painter, and let 
the colonies go !' " 

It is not so long since the United States admitted 

74 



American Encouragement 

West Indian sugar free of duty, and that fact is not 
forgotten in Jamaica. IMr. Chamberlain has no doubt 
endeavored to develop trade between Jamaica and the 
Mother Country, but so far with singularly Httle suc- 
cess. Lord Pirbright, writing in the National Reviezu 
for December, 1896, declared that Mr. Chamberlain's 
policy was foredoomed to failure, and that the re- 
fusal to adopt a policy of retaliation for the purpose 
of fighting the sugar bounties would inevitably result 
in the loss of the sugar colonies. 

He wrote : "We cannot strengthen the bonds of loy- 
alty which hold the West Indies to the Mother Coun- 
try by the promise of eleemosynary doles which are to 
compensate them for the loss of their flourishing in- 
dustry, and keep them from bankruptcy. If they were 
to accept this grant in aid, which must become a per- 
manent grant, they must inevitably degenerate. The 
loss of independence would certainly beget a feeling 
of distrust in the Mother Country to whose inaction 
they would attribute their dependent position. 

"Geographically much nearer to America than to 
Great Britain, they might seek and would certainly 
receive from the United States not alone the commer- 
cial facilities which we deny them, but other induce- 
ments of far greater importance. Trade would follow 
the flag. That flag would no longer be ours, and we 
might have to deplore not only the ruin, but also the 
loss of our West Indian possessions." 

When Mr. Chamberlain was beginning his experi- 
ments in the act of resuscitating a perishing colony by 
the time-honored method of increasing the import 

75 



Mr. Chamberlain's Attitude 

duties on British goods, the United States, abandon- 
ing the policy of abstention from all interference in 
the afifairs of other nations, suddenly stepped forth 
armed from head to heel as the avenger of the wrongs 
of Cuba. Spain was driven from the Western Main, 
Cuba was freed, and Porto Rico was annexed by the 
conquering Power. 

The advent of the United States as a colonizing 
power in the midst of the West Indian Archipelago 
could not but thrill with excitement even the lethargic 
imagination of the lotus-eaters of our Colonies. 
For the United States is more than a political federa- 
tion of forty-three Sovereign Republics. It represents 
76,000,000 human beings, each of whom has probably 
a more toothsome appetite for the delicate products 
of the West Indies than the men of any other race 
now living on the planet. 

The immediate result of the annexation of Porto 
Rico was to give an immense stimulus to the produc- 
tion of sugar. When the island was wrenched from 
the nerveless hand of Spain, her annual export of 
sugar was only 40,000 tons. In 1900 she exported 
100,000 tons. In 1901 it is expected that her export 
will reach 150,000 tons. The production of coffee is 
also going up with leaps and bounds. It is obvious 
that, if this is not a mere spurt, if annexation by the 
United States is proved to be like the touch of an 
enchanter's wand causing a flood of wealth to 
spring up in these West Indian Islands, there is 
not a sugar island now under the Union Jack that 



76 



The Example of Porto Rico 

will not be clamoring to be transferred to the United 
States. 

Whatever we may try to do the fact remains solid 
as granite, and unalterable by all that we can do, the 
United States, with its enormous masses of would-be 
purchasers of all manner of sweetstufifs and tropical 
fruit, is and always must be the best market for the 
West Indian producer. After the decision of the 
Supreme Court on the 27th of May, 1901, when 
the legality of the Foraker Act imposing special 
duties on goods imported from Porto Rico was af- 
firmed by five voices against four, there is nothing 
to hinder the United States taking over any number 
of West Indian Islands.* 

It is as yet too soon to pronounce upon the net 
economic result of the annexation of Porto Rico. But 
should the first promise be realized, the economic pull 
towards the United States will be irresistible. 



* As this case is of great historical and political importance, 
I quote here Mr. Wellman's lucid summary of its purport:— 

" I. The Constitution does not follow the flag ex propria 
Z'igorc — of its own force. 

" 2. The United States may enter upon a colonial policy^- 
has already entered upon it — without violation of the Consti- 
tution. 

" 3. This nation has all the powers that rightfully belong 
to a sovereign international state and may acquire territory 
without incorporating such territory as an integral part of 
itself. 

" 4. The simple act of acquisition by treaty or otherwise 
does not automatically bring about such incorporation ; and 
incorporation is effected only by the will of the States acting 
consciously through Congress. 

" 5. Porto Rico is not a part of the United States, but 
' a territory appurtenant and belonging to the United 

77 



Growth of American Trade 

It would seem from the most recent statistics that 
Mr. Chamberlain's policy has failed to check the prog- 
ress of the movement which tends to place Jamaica 
more and more under the economic ascendency of the 
United States. Geographical position counts for 
much. Jamaica is within a few hours' steam of Cuba, 
which is in turn only a few hours' steam from Florida, 
and "nearest neighbors best customers" seems to hold 
good in the West Indies as elsewhere. In 1896 50 
per cent, of Jamaican exports went to the United 
States, and only 27 per cent, to Great Britain. After 
four years of Mr. Chamberlain's policy the share of 
the United States had risen to 63 per cent., and that of 
the United Kingdom had shrunk to 19 per cent. 

The figures are not quite so bad as far as relates 
to the purchases made by Jamaica in American and 
British markets, but even here there has been no im- 
provement. In 1896 41 per cent, of her imports came 
from the United States, and 48 per cent, from the 
United Kingdom. In 1900 the share of the United 
States had risen from 41 to 43 per cent., and that 
of the United Kingdom had fallen from 48 per cent, 
to 47 per cent. The attempt to foster a trade between 

States.' Tariffs established by Congress upon goods com- 
ing from or going to Porto Rico are valid and collectable 
The Foraker Act is constitutional. 

" 6. Congress hns full power over the territories, may 
regulate and dispose of them, may at its discretion extend 
the Constitution to them, may admit them as states, or may 
hold them indefinitely as territories, colonies, or dependencies. 

" 7. Porto Rico is not a ' foreign country,' and therefore the 
Dingley law, which levies duties upon goods imported ' from 
foreign countries,' does not apply to Porto Rico. Nor yet is 
' Porto Rico a part of the United States.* It is a domestic 
territory, over which Congress has ' unrestricted control.' " 

78 



Growth of American Trade 

Jamaica and Canada does not seem to have been very 
successful. Her exports to the Dominion stood at 
1.6 per cent, in 1896, and at the same figure exactly in 
1900. Her imports from Canada, which were 7.5 
per cent, in 1896, had dropped to 7.1 per cent, in 1900. 
The Boston Journal, of September 6th, 1901, comment- 
ing on the significance of these figures, remarked : — 

"We take perhaps nine-tenths oi Jamaica's sugar, 
nearly all her fruit, much of her coffee and cocoa, a 
great share of her logwood, almost all her cocoanuts. 
The famous Jamaica rum is the only one of the island's 
products which is consumed chiefly by Great Britain. 

"Jamaica is so near the United States and stands 
so closely related to our continental system, that this 
steady drift of her trade away from Great Britain 
and towards us is not strange. It is wholly natural 
and intelligible. But it is obvious that it makes the 
British connection increasingly difficult and expensive. 

"With Porto Rico enjoying absolute free trade with 
the United States, and Cuba almost its equivalent 
under reciprocity, the British West India possessions 
in the Antilles will have either to be given up or main- 
tained at a cost out of all proportion to their real 
value to the Imperial Government." 

The question whether the movement towards annex- 
ation to the United States will acquire an impetus 
which will make it irresistible depends upon the results 
which will follow the American annexation of Porto 
Rico and the American protectorate established over 
Cuba. If the value of all real estate in Porto Rico 

79 



Benefit of Annexation 

goes up by leaps and bounds, and if the Colony be- 
comes as prosperous as Jamaica is the reverse, the 
sentiment of loyalty to the Union Jack will not long 
stand the dissolvent of such a contrast. 

Cuba is not annexed to the United States — at least, 
not yet — but the advantage of being within the Union 
and so avoiding the tariff wall which at present 
limits the access of the products of Cuba to the 
American market will be certain to operate with steady 
pressure in favor of annexation. The United States 
will not annex Cuba, but Cuba will annex itself to the 
United States. That is to say, she will do so if the 
Americans convince the Cubans that annexation will 
put more money into their pocket and will deprive 
them of no essential liberty. The force of gravitation 
is conti»nuous, and the example of voluntary incorpora- 
tion is apt to prove contagious. 

When General Gomez, the Cuban patriot, left the 
I/nited States after a tour through the Union last sum- 
mer, he expressed his conviction that, after a period of 
absolute independence, Cuba would do well to throw in 
her lot with the United States. It is usually the case 
that if once a country tastes the delights of absolute in- 
dependence she will never seek to merge her destiny 
with any neighbor, no matter how great and powerful 
that neighbor may be. But the Americans may reverse 
this. 

The spectacle of a well-governed and prosperous 
Porto Rico may prove potent enough to overcome the 
desire of the Cubans to fly their own flag outside the 
Union. General Gomez declared that not only did he 

ao 



Benefit of Annexation 

contemplate the merging of Cuba in the Republic, 
but that many other West Indians believed that San 
Domingo and Hayti would be glad to accept the pro- 
tectorate of the Stars and Stripes. 

In discussing the probable economic forces which 
tend to add these outlying English-speaking colonies 
to the great American Republic, it should not be for- 
gotten that the Americans would bring to such new 
possessions much more than mere prestige and capital. 
There is a certain lethargy in these lotus-eaters' Para- 
dises which it would take all the Americans' energy to 
overcome. "If any influence and energy," said Dr. 
Shaw, very truly, some years ago, "can ever be ef- 
fectively applied to lift the West Indies out of the po- 
litical, social and industrial quagmire into which they 
have sunk, such rescue must come from the United 
States." It is difficult to see what answer there is to 
this. Sir Wemyss Reid has just told us that an Amer- 
ican Cabinet Minister at Washington spoke to him as 
if the absorption of our West Indian Colonies by the 
United States was a foregone conclusion. 

All the arguments which apply to the West Indian 
Islands apply mutatis mutandis to the only two tracts 
of territory which we possess in South and Central 
America. British Guiana, the delimitation of whose 
frontiers nearly involved us in trouble with the United 
States a few years ago, is forbidden to extend its 
frontiers by virtue of the Monroe Doctrine. The 
English-speaking men who live under the Union Jack 
in the British Colony of Guiana are rigorously con- 
fined within the existing frontiers of the province. 



Benefit of Annexation 

If they were to transfer their allegiance to the United 
States that interdict would immediately be repealed. 
They could then extend the outposts of their territory 
as far inland as they pleased. At present they are 
handicapped by the Union Jack. They are as much 
Americans as any of the citizens of the United States. 
But because they are in organic relation with the 
Mother Country they are denied all rights of interior 
expansion. They have no hinterland, and they are 
made to feel at every turn that, so far as the develop- 
ment of their colony is concerned, it would be better to 
be an independent republic than to belong to the vast 
system of the British Empire. 

However much we may regret the loss of our West 
Indian Colonies, our regret will be tempered by satis- 
faction at the thought that we have had ample oppor- 
tunity to see what the monarchical section of the Eng- 
lish-speaking race can do in making these communities 
happy, prosperous, and contented. If we fail so com- 
pletely that they are anxious to try whether better re- 
sults would not follow if they are placed under the 
control of the republican half of the race we have no 
reason to complain. Nay, if the squalid poverty of 
many of our fellow-subjects could be permanently re- 
lieved by allowing these islands to become the colonies 
and dependencies of the United States, it would be 
our duty, not to retard, but to expedite the transfer. 
If Britain wishes for no unwilling subjects, neither 
does she wish to have any citizens in the Empire who 
are reminded at every turn that they are suffering in 
body or in estate from their connection with the 
Mother Country. 
82 



The Americanization of 
the World 



Chapter Sixth 

Of Newfoundland and Canada 

It is always hazardous to prophesy, but it would not 
be surprising if England's oldest Colony were to be 
the first to desert the Empire in order to throw in her 
lot with the Republic. 

The justification for this somewhat audacious fore- 
cast is the fact that Newfoundland alone, of all our 
Colonies, finds its vital interests sacrificed to the in- 
terests of the Empire. None of our other Colonies 
has such a grievance as that which troubles the New- 
foundlanders. 

None of our other Colonies is subjected to the 
daily temptation which confronts them in the shape 
of the self-evident proposition that their material in- 
terests would be benefited by a transfer of their allegi- 
ance from the Union Jack to the Stars and Stripes. 

The facts of the case lie in a nutshell. When New- 
foundland was first settled, it was not regarded as a 
Colony in the proper sense of the term. It was only 
looked upon as a kind of pier or landing-stage on 

S3 



The Rise of Newfoundland 

which the hardy fishers sent out from Bristol could 
land and dry their nets. 

Newfoundland, in other words, was not regarded as 
having any existence other than that of a mere append- 
age to the cod fishery. For the first two centuries after 
its discovery no one at home seems to have dreamed 
of the possibility of making it the seat of a British 
Colony. 

Colonization, indeed, was, if not actually forbidden, 
at least discountenanced rather than encouraged ; and 
even so late as the beginning of the eighteenth century, 
the original idea that Newfoundland was little more 
than a coast-line which was convenient for the water- 
ing and refitting of the fishing fleet continued to domi- 
nate the minds of our statesmen. But for this, it is 
impossible to believe that the men who negotiated the 
Treaty of Ryswick would ever have made over to the 
French Government the exclusive use of the French 
shore. 

This arrangement, which was subsequently con- 
firmed at the Treaty of Utrecht half a century later, 
was based upon the supposition that the only thing 
worth considering in Newfoundland was the use of its 
shores as convenient and indispensable appurtenances 
of the fishing banks. 

Whatever may have been the explanation of this 
surrender to the French of a region stretching about 
three hundred miles from north to south on the west 
coast, the arrangement was solemnly ratified by a 
treaty which still remains in force. Hence the cause of 
most of the evils which afflict Newfoundland. 

84 



The Rise of Newfoundland 

For nearly a hundred years after the signature of 
the Treaty of Utrecht the arrangement which gave 
the west shore to the French worked fairly well ; but in 
the last fifty years Nev/foundland, from being a mere 
fishing station, became a thriving Colony. It attracted 
emigrants from the other side of the Atlantic, notably 
from Ireland ; they increased and multiplied, and at 
last succeeded in gaining recognition as one of the 
hardiest and most industrious of all the Colonies under 
the Crown. 

But no sooner was the colonization of Newfound- 
land begun than the colonists fell foul of the French 
shore. The more they increased and multiplied, the 
more intolerable did it seem to them that they should 
be deprived of the right to use three hundred miles of 
their own coast. 

In virtue of a treaty the original terms of which had 
been strained to such an extent as to convert the right 
conceded to the French to land and dry their nets into 
a right of veto by them upon the erection of any fac- 
tories or similar buildings along the whole length of 
the coast, there sprang up the agitation against the 
French shore — an agitation which has increased in ve- 
hemence with years ; and although it may be for the 
moment lulled, it may at any time revive and rage 
with all the more fury because it has been quieted for a 
time. 

Some years ago I had an opportunity of discussing 
the whole matter at length with the representatives 
sent over by the Newfoundland Government in order 

85 



Thoughts of Secession 

to impress upon Downing- Street the urgent importance 
of extinguishing the French rights on the west coast. 
They made no hesitation in declaring that, if the 
British Government finally refused to clear out the 
French, they would be compelled as a mere matter 
of self-preservation to look to the only other govern- 
ment from whom they could obtain relief. For some 
years the question whether Newfoundland had not 
better secede from the Empire and appeal for the pro- 
tection of the United States had been in the air, al- 
though it did not figure much in public debate either 
on platform or in the press. 

It is very easy to understand how it was that the 
Newfoundlanders should turn a wistful and longing 
gaze towards Washington. A combination of economic 
and political motives may strain severely the allegiance 
of Newfoundland to the Mother Country. At present 
the American market is practically closed to the product 
of Newfoundland fishery. Of the million pounds' 
worth of cod caught ofif these banks half goes to 
British ports and the other half to Portugal and Brazil. 
But Newfoundland imports goods from the United 
States of the annual value of £300,000. 

It is, however, less for the sake of opening the Amer- 
ican market than for the gain of getting rid of the 
French shore difficulty that annexation might come to 
be desired by our Colonists. The question of the 
French shore is very simple. France has certain un- 
deniable rights dating from the eighteenth century, se- 
cured by a formal treaty to which England was a party. 

86 



An Intolerable Situation 

Circumstances have changed since that treaty was 
negotiated 

A state of things has sprung up which renders the 
provisions of that treaty intolerably irksome to a third 
party which was practically not in existence when the 
treaty was signed, namely, the self-governing Colony 
of Newfoundland. The maintenance of die provisions 
of the Treaty of Utrecht entails hardship upon the 
Newfoundlanders, from which they ask our govern- 
ment to relieve them. 

France is by no means irreconcilable upon this ques- 
tion. She recognizes the difificulty of our position and 
says, in effect, that she is quite willing to surrender her 
rights under the Treaty of Utrecht — for a considera- 
tion. The question is what that consideration shall be. 
For the last twenty years the matter has been discussed 
between London and Paris without any conclusion be- 
ing arrived at. Our offers have never been regarded as 
satisfactory by the French, and we have hitherto been 
unable to offer what the French would accept as an 
adequate equivalent for the abandonment of their rights 
under the treaty. 

The British Government has given too many host- 
ages to fortune in all parts of the world to dare press 
too urgently for a settlement of the question. The 
Newfoundlanders understand perfectly well that we 
cannot squeeze France in Newfoundland without ex- 
posing ourselves to a retaliatory squeeze in Egypt. 
Hence they say that the local interests of Newfound- 
land have been and are at this moment being sacrificed 



87 



A Possible Interference 

to the general interests of the British Empire. That 
is the truth, and there is no gainsaying it. 

Suppose that one fine day the Union Jack was 
hauled down, and that the United States was suddenly 
invested with the complete sovereignty over New- 
foundland, what would happen? There would prob- 
ably be a Commission appointed to take evidence about 
the French shore question. That evidence would be 
presented to both Houses of Congress, when it would 
appear that the growth of the Colony was hampered 
and its permanent interests injuriously affected by the 
maintenance of the provisions of the Treaty of Utrecht. 
It would further be reported that, in order to give the 
Colony a fair chance and lo relieve the United States 
of a constant source of irritation threatening the gen- 
eral peace, the rights of France must be terminated. 

After that report had been received and taken into 
consideration, the American Secretary of State would 
be instructed to write to the French Government to the 
effect that the provisions of the Treaty of Utrecht re- 
lating to the west coast of the recently acquired United 
States Territory of Newfoundland were inflicting an 
intolerable grievance upon the inhabitaints of New- 
foundland ; therefore the United States Government 
must formally give notice of their decision to terminate 
the treaty, but would be very glad to enter into nego- 
tiations with France as to the compensation which 
France might claim for the loss of her rights. 



88 



A Possible Interference 

If the two Governments were unable to arrive at 
an amicable understanding as to what compensation 
was adequate, the United States would be willing to 
refer the question for adjudication to a court of arbi- 
tration constituted under the rules of the Hague Con- 
ference. France might sulk, and a good many angry 
articles might be written in the French papers, but the 
position of the United States would be unassailable. 

The Americans have given no hostages to fortune 
which would compel them to think twice and even 
thrice before incurring French resentment. Their de- 
mand for the removal of the restrictions which were 
throttling the development of an American territory 
would be morally sound, and their willingness to refer 
the question of compensation to arbitration would place 
their action upon an incontestably legal footing. The 
United States, in short, could in one day liberate the 
Newfoundlanders from the presence of fhe French 
on their shores without danger of war and without sac- 
rificing American interests in any quarter of the world. 

The Newfoundlanders have for some time past 
been slowly and reluctantly arriving at the conclusion 
that this is what England cannot do. On the day when 
they arrive at the final decision that it is no use look- 
ing any longer to Downing Street for help, the move- 
ment in favor of American annexation may sweep all 
before it. 

There are two other considerations which should 
not be forgotten. One is that a large proportion of the 
colonists are either of Irish birth or Irish extraction. 
There are no more enthusiastic supporters of the Irish 

89 



Secession of Newfoundland 

National cause than many of the leading Irish citizens 
of St. John's. Nothing would give them greater joy 
than in this way to avenge the wrongs of Ireland upon 
a Unionist Government. 

That, it may be said, is but a sentimental consid- 
eration. It is likely to be strongly reinforced by the 
very material argument of an appeal to the breeches 
pocket. It is not so many years ago since the New- 
foundland local legislature negotiated a reciprocity 
treaty vvith the Government at Washington for the 
purpose of securing for their fish access to the Ameri- 
can market. 

Rightly or wrongly, the British Government refused 
to ratify that treaty, and it fell through. If the British 
connection means not only the maintenance indefinitely 
of the French on the west coast, but also of a barrier 
between the Newfoundland Fisheries and the immense 
market of the United States, is it unreasonable to think 
that the drift towards the centre of gravity may be- 
come irresistible? 

Such a secession would be serious indeed. New- 
foundland has hitherto refused to cast in its lot with 
the Dominion of Canada. It has jealously preserved 
its own independence. Like a great advance bastion 
of the American Continent it lies right across the great 
ocean roadway which leads from Liverpool to the St. 
Lawrence. 

In the hands of a hostile power the harbor of St. 
John's would be a deadly menace to the whole of our 
Canadian trade. Both from a naval and commercial 
standpoint the loss of Newfoundland would be so 

90 



The Right of Secession 

serious a blow to the Empire that it is probable an at- 
tempt would be made to prevent it by force of arms. 

The right of secession which Mr. Chamberlain has 
publicly acknowledged is enjoyed by the "independent 
sister nations" of Canada and Australia, would prob- 
ably be denied to the smaller Colony of Newfound- 
land ; but, if so, it would only mean annexation at two 
removes, because the wit of man is unable to devise or 
the resources of the British Empire are inadequate to 
provide means whereby we could hold down unwilling 
subjects in all parts of the world. 

When Englishmen discuss the possible pull of the 
gravitation of the United States upon their Empire, 
they usually confine their remarks to Canada. They 
do not realize that Canada, being by far the largest 
and most important of the British American posses- 
sions, would probably be the last to succumb to the 
continually increasing force of gravitation exercised 
b,y its southern neighbor. 

Canada alone of all the British Colonies in the West- 
ern Hemisphere is large enough and strong enough 
to render its independent existence thinkable even if the 
protecting aegis of Great Britain were withdrawn. All 
the other Colonies would probably drop like ripe plums 
into Uncle Sam's hat but for their connection with 
Great Britain. 

The Dominion of Canada, however, has ambitions of 
its own, and is rather inclined to believe that, if an- 
nexation is to take place, it would be better for the 
world if the United States were annexed by Canada 
rather than Canada by the United States. Mr. Evans, 

9\ 



Canada's Growth 

Secretary of the Hamilton Canadian Club, maintained 
that the future belonged to Canada, and he quoted 
words said to have been uttered by the late Secretary 
Seward to the following effect : — 

"Having its Atlantic seaport at Halifax, and its Pa- 
cific depot near Vancouver Island, British America 
would inevitably draw to it the commerce of Europe, 
Asia, and the United States. Thus from a mere colo- 
nial dependency it would assume a controlling rank in 
the world. To her other nations would be tributary ; 
and in vain would the United States attempt to be her 
rival."* 

Mr. Evans does not tMnk the fulfillment of this 
prophecy at all improbable. He maintains that where- 
as since 1760 the population of Canada has increased 
eighty-fold, for then it was only 60,000, the popula- 
tion of the United States, which was then 3,000,000, 
has only increased twenty-five-fold. In his opinion 
the United States would h^ve more need of Canada 

* It is somewhat difficult to believe that Mr. Seward actu- 
ally said this, for he appears to have made a remark in a very 
different sense in the year i860. He said : " Standing here 
and looking far off into the Northwest, I see the Russian as 
he busily occupies himself in establishing seaports and towns 
and fortifications on the verge of this continent as the out- 
posts of St. Petersburg, and I say, ' Go on, and btiild up your 
outposts all along the coast, even to the Arctic Ocean : they 
will yet become the outposts of my own country — monuments 
of the civilization of the United States in the Northwest.' 
So I look off on Prince Rupert's Land and Canada, and see 
there an ingenious, enterprising, and ambitious people occu- 
pied with bridging rivers and constructing canals, railroads, 
and telegraphs, to organize and preserve great British prov- 
inces north of the Great Lakes, the St. Lawrence, and around 
the shores of Hudson's Bay, and I am able to say, ' It is very 
well ; you are building excellent States to be hereafter admit- 
ted into the American Union.' " 

92 



Canadian Independence 

than Canada of the United States, for as their territo- 
ries are being filled up and their forests destroyed, in 
the r.ot far future they would be largely dependent 
upon other countries for their raw material, while 
Canada has more undeveloped wealth than any other 
country in the world. 

The Canadians are the Scotch of the Western Hemi- 
sphere, and have just as good an opinion of them- 
selves as our neighbors in North Britain, who to this 
day resent bitterly any suggestion that the union which 
merged Scotland and England in Great Britain was 
the annexation of the smaller country by the larger. 

Scotland and England \vcre united first by the golden 
circlet of the Crown when James I. and VI. crossed 
the Tweed, and founded an ill-fated dynasty in Great 
Britain. Such monarchical contrivances are not avail- 
able in the New World. It is probable that the Union, 
if it is to be effected, will be due, not to any golden 
circlets of the Crown, but to the much more prosaic 
but not less potent agency of the almighty dollar. 

If the Canadians decide lo throw in their lot with the 
United States, John Bull wall not spend one red 
cent in thwarting their wishes. As an "independent 
sister nation," Mr. Chamberlain has publicly declared 
they have unrestricted liberty of secession from the 
Empire, for the British Empire is much more loosely 
compacted together than the American Republic, which 
welded its States into one organic whole by the great 
Civil War. 

But it is also true that, though no one in the United 



93 



The Wall that Divides 

Kingdom would raise a finger to prevent Canada 
acting as she thought best for her own interests, any 
attempt on the part of the United States to annex the 
Canadians against their will would be resisted by the 
whole force of the British Empire. This is so clearly 
understood on both sides that no one on the American 
Continent dreams of taking by force that which could 
only be valuable if it Vv^as tendered by consent. Hence, 
in discussing the future of Canada, we may dismiss 
altogether from our minds all cjuestion of a solution by 
armed force. 

The frontier which divides the Dominion from the 
Republic is unfortified on either side, but exists by con- 
sent of both. Nevertheless, although it is not guarded 
by soldiers or protected by cannon, it is infested with 
custom-houses, the disappearance of which would be so 
great and so palpable a gain that the desire to get rid 
of them may be regarded as one of the influences which 
tend in favor of annexation. 

I remember the late Mr. Bayard, just as he was leav- 
ing the American Embassy in London, describing to me 
what he regarded as the unpardonable mistake which 
was made by the Protectionists of the United States at 
the close of the Civil War. 

"No one," he said, "has ever rendered adequate jus- 
tice to the service which the Union received from the 
Canadians during the whole of that tremendous strug- 
gle. With the exception of one or two ridiculous raids 
by Confederate sympathizers, we were able to leave the 
whole of our northern frontier without a garrison. Not 
only so, but we used Canada as an inexhaustible source 

94: 



Will Canada Resist Americanization 

of supplies throughout the whole war. Yet when at 
the close of the war a deputation from the Canadians 
went to Washington, to plead for free access to 
American markets, they were told they could not expect 
to have the privileges of American citizens unless they 
came under the American flag. Now the Canadian can 
be led, but he cannot be bullied. The deputation, in- 
stead of applying for the privileges of American citi- 
zenship, went home, federated the Dominion, con- 
structed the Cai-vadian Pacific, and postponed for many 
years the inevitable union of North America under one 
flag. A little less selfishness and a little more states- 
manship would have brought them all in long ago." 

Whether Mr. Bayard was right or wrong in his ac- 
count of the genesis of what may be called Canadian 
Nationalism, there can be no doubt that since that date 
the Canadians have resolutely turned their gaze from 
Washington to Westminster. There is something al- 
most pathetic in the anxiety of our Canadian fellow 
subjects to emphasize their loyalty to the Empire. No 
one does them the injustice to believe that they really 
were swept off their feet by any passionate feeling 
against the Boers when they sent their contingents to 
assist the Mother Country in South Africa. They had 
been waiting for their chance to demonstrate their af- 
fection, and they seized it, not caring very much about 
the merits of the quarrel in which engaged. 

Sir Wilfrid Laurier, it is true, made eloquent 
speeches, putting the best face upon the cause in which 
Canadian blood had been shed, but in order to do so 
he found it necessary to make protestations as to the 

95 



Will Canada Resist Americanization 

liberties and privileges to be extended to the Boers, the 
realization of which has been postponed to the Greek 
Kalends. All that they knew, or cared to know, was 
that England, Mother England, was calling for their 
help. So for England, Mother England, they poured 
in thousands to South Africa, where they shed their 
blood without stint in defence of the flag. Last 
autumn they gave the Heir to the Throne and his wife 
a welcome as enthusiastic as that which they received in 
Australia. 

More than that it would be impossible to say. Surely 
then Canada is in no danger of succumbing to the 
Americanization which is sweeping everything into 
the arms of the United States. The same spirit of 
loyalty led the Canadian Parliament to take the initi- 
ative in establishing the principle of preferential terms 
for British goods. They could only do this by a side- 
wind, as it were, offering a reduction of from 25 to 30 
per cent, upon imports from countries which did not 
tax Canadian goods — a provision which had the prac- 
tical result of reducing the import duty on British 
goods from 25 to 30 per cent, below that levied upon 
goods imported from the United States. 

At the same time, the majority of American imports 
come in free, so that if an average is taken on all the 
goods imported from the United States and on those 
imported from the United Kingdom, the average tax 
is still somewhat higher on British goods than on 
American. The Canadians, however, did their best, 
and have borne submissively their exclusion by Ger- 
many from the most-favored-nation treatment as the 

96 



Binding Forces 

penalty of their attempt to draw closer the ties which 
link them to Great Britain. 

Down to the year 1887 there was a Secession Party 
in Nova Scotia ; but since then there has been no party 
in any province of the Dominion that has advocated 
annexation to the United States. Here and there there 
are annexationists, and those who are in favor of 
Canadian independence are even more numerous. But, 
taking it as a v/hole, Canadians are passionately loyal 
to the old flag, and I think it is extremely probable 
that there is no part of the King's dominions in which 
this book will be read with more profound disap- 
proval — I might even say indignation — than in the 
Dominion of Canada. 

Nevertheless, this loyalty, although very vehement 
and very sincere, can hardly be regarded as a suf- 
ficient barrier against the all-pervading American- 
ism, which will inevitably bring the Dominion and the 
Republic into a much closer union than that which at 
present exists. 

The first great force which operates with increasing 
potency is economic. Despite all the efiforts of the 
Laurier Cabinet to encourage British trade at the ex- 
pense of America, Canada remains the best market of 
the United States. Every Canadian, man, woman, or 
child, spends on an average £5 a year in the pur- 
chase of American goods. The German average is 
about a guinea a head, while the average sale of Ameri- 
can goods in Great Britain is below 7s. a head. 

Two-thirds of the American goods purchased By 
Canadians consist of American manufactures. The 

97 



Trade with Canada 

total value of American imports into Canada amounted 
to £22,000,000 sterling. Not only is it large in itself, 
but it is increasing. In 1875, of all Canada's pur- 
chases abroad, 50 per cent, came from Great Britain. 
As this percentage began to drop, the experiment of 
the preferential duty was tried, but failed to arrest the 
decrease. In 1897 the proportion of British imports 
had dropped to 26 per cent., and in 1900 to 25 per 
cent. In 1875 the United States sold to Canada 42 
per cent, of her total imports ; in 1897 this had risen 
to 55 per cent., and in 1900 to over 60 per cent. The 
United States, therefore, notwithstanding the prefer- 
ential duty, has more than taken the position which 
we occupied with the Canadian purchaser in 1875. 

It was inevitable that this should be so. The United 
States is close at hand ; the Canadians are American 
in their tastes, and goods prepared for the American 
market find a ready sale across the frontier. It 
is a remarkable fact, in view of all that is being talked 
to-day about the value of the Central and South Ameri- 
can markets, that the Canadians, who are only 5,500,- 
000 in number, buy more goods from the United States 
than are purchased by all the inhabitants of all the 
Central and South American Republics that are to be 
found between the Rio Grande and Cape Horn. The 
bulk of the Canadian exports to the United States 
consists of raw materials, lumber, and the like, in re- 
turn for which she takes the goods manufactured in 
American mills and factories. 

The Americans are keenly alive to the importance 
of developing this trade, and one of the first deputa- 

98 



Canada's Attitude 

tions which President Roosevelt had to receive was 
that organized by the Boston Chamber of Commerce 
in favor of reciprocity with Canada. What the Bos- 
ton business men fear is that unless something is done 
in the way of reducing American taxes on Canadian 
imports the Canadian will either increase the duties 
upon American goods, or redouble their efforts to in- 
duce Great Britain to adopt the principle of a prefer- 
ential tariff in favor of Colonial and against foreign 
and American goods. The only three interests in the 
United States that appear to be offering any serious 
opposition are the lumber interests of the North- 
west, the bituminous coal miners of Maryland and 
West Virginia, and the fishermen of Gloucester. 

President Roosevelt returned a sympathetic but non- 
committal answer to the deputation. 

The Canadians, apparently, have grown tired of ex- 
pecting any concessions from the United States. Sir 
Wilfrid Laurier last autumn made a definite declara- 
tion that the Canadian tariff was to remain as it was, 
and that any overtures on the subject of reciprocity 
would have to be made from Washington to Ottawa, 
and not from Ottawa to Washington. The slump in 
Protection, so long foreseen, is no doubt on its way, 
but for the moment it tarries. 

It should never be forgotten that the Irish clement in 
Canada is very strong, how strong may be inferred 
from two facts. In 1887, when Mr. Balfour intro- 
duced his Coercion Bill for Ireland, the Canadian 
Parliament, despite the strongest opposition from the 
Canadian Conservative Ministry then in power, passed 

99 

L.oi-C. 



The Bond of Immigration 

a resolution by a majority of nearly four to one 
strongly condemning the Irish policy of Mr. Bal- 
four, and affirming their devotion to Home Rule. 
That the Canadians have not changed in their senti- 
ment may be inferred from the second fact that when 
Mr. John Redmond visited Canada in 1901, Sir Wil- 
frid Laurier and other Ministers were present at a 
banquet, by which the Irish Nationalist leader was 
welcomed into the Dominion. Sir Wilfrid's presence 
gave great scandal to our Unionists at home, who pro- 
fess to be utterly unable to reconcile his support of 
Mr. Redmond and of Home Rule with his devotion to 
the Empire. In reality if they but opened their eyes, 
they would see that the two things are inseparably con- 
nected. 

The interchange of commodities between two com- 
munities speaking the same language, and living on 
either side of an imaginary line, is only one of the 
economic forces that would make for Union. For 
many years past there has been a steady stream of 
immigration from Canada to the United States. There 
are very few Canadian families who have not one or 
more relatives who have gone to seek their fortunes 
in the great American cities, or on the fertile prairies 
of the United States. There are more emigrants from 
Canada in the United States in proportion to their pop- 
ulation than from any other country. The richer and 
more developed lands to the south have an irresistible 
attraction for the more enterprising and ambitious 
Canadians. 

When Mr. Dryden, the Minister for Agriculture 
JOO 



Americanization ol' Canada 

in Ontario, invested his money in farming he put it into 
a ranch in Dakota. Of late years a growing ten- 
dency has been observable for the tide of immigration 
to flow the other way. In the Northwest there are 
still vast areas of good land to be had for next to noth- 
ing. An American writer declares that the interna- 
tional line marks as sharp a distinction in land values 
as it does in political allegiance. Naturally as the 
land to the south fills up settlers will cross the frontier, 
and the process of colonization from the States will 
steadily Americanize the Northwest. 

There is little or no difiference in the social and po- 
litical conditions of the settlers, so it is as natural for 
them to cross and recross the frontier as it is for people 
in Sussex to cross into Hampshire, or vice-versa. 
Thus there are being woven across and across, from 
side to side of the invisible frontier line, ties which 
tend to weave the two communities into one. 

In addition to the influence of commerce and of emi- 
gration there is another force which may be still more 
potent. I refer to the fact that the great American 
capitalists, ever on the look-out for fresh fields in which 
to invest their millions, have begun to develop on a 
great scale the immense mineral resources which are 
as yet practically untapped in the Canadian Dominion. 
American capital is pouring into the country. Few 
things have attracted more attention in recent indus- 
trial development than the extent to which American 
capitalists are investing their money in the exploitation 
of the immense and almost virgin resources of Canada. 

The industrial annexation of the Dominion is in 



Americanization of Canada 

full swing. The Vanderbilt railway combination has 
taken in hand the development of the enormous coal 
and iron district of Nova Scotia, and is proceeding in 
the campaign with that combination of restless energy 
and methodical preparation that characterizes the great 
American Trusts. Further west, the Dominion Iron 
and Steel Company, under an American President, 
with a capital of over twenty million dollars, has es- 
tablished one of the most gigantic steel works in the 
world at Sault St. Marie on Lake Superior. In this 
exploitation of Canadian resources by American capi- 
tal, the Parliament of the Dominion has interested it- 
self actively. A land grant of over five million acres, 
a subsidy of £200,000 for real construction, and con- 
tracts for a million pounds' worth of rails to be deliv- 
ered in the next five years, have given the Company 
confidence. It is going ahead. Americans are set- 
ting the pace in the Dominion. 

Rumors from time to time appear in the newspapers 
that this or the other combination of American mil- 
lionaires has decided to acquire a controlling inter- 
est in Canada's one great railway, the Canadian Pa- 
cific ; but although these remain rumors there is every 
reason to expect that the men who have engineered 
the great combinations which exist, in order to bar 
out competition, will not long abstain from an at- 
tempt to control the great inter-oceanic railway by 
which the Canadians have linked together the Atlantic 
and the Pacific. 

But dismissing this as a mere possibility of the fu- 
ture, we have sufficient evidence to prove that Ameri- 
i02 



Annexation of Canada 

can capital is ever tending to acquire more and more 
interest in the development of Canadian resources. 
Commerce, emigration, and investments all tell in the 
same direction with an automatic and persistent force 
which is not materially affected by political agitation. 
Sir Hiram Maxim told me the other day that, when he 
was last in Canada, he had been approached by some 
owners of valuable deposits and water privileges to 
assist them in placing their property upon the British 
market. They expatiated upon the intrinsic value of 
the property which they had to dispose of, and, finally, 
by way of a crowning inducement, they said to him : 

"This property is worth two hundred million dollars, 
but when annexation comes it will be worth two hun- 
dred million pounds sterling." 

"What," said Sir Hiram, "I thought you were all 
enthusiastic loyalists." 

"We are loyal to the Empire," was the reply, "but 
we all know that annexation will come some day, and, 
when it comes, it will much more than double the value 
of our property." 

We now pass to consider the influences, partly 
economic and partly political, which point in the 
same direction. There are at least two — one at each 
extremity of the Dominion. The first is the long- 
standing and almost insoluble dispute about the fish- 
eries on the Atlantic seaboard. The quarrels between 
the fishermen of Nova Scotia and the fishermen of 
Massachusetts have been for many years a fertile 
source of friction. 

The Canadians bitterly resent any poaching by 

^03 



International Discords 

American fishermen in Canadian waters. Collisions 
between the Canadian and New England fishermen 
have created so much ill-feeling in the past that the 
fishery dispute has been one of the standing dishes at 
every Anglo-American repast. For some years now a 
modus z'ivcndi has been in existence, which avoids any 
of the old irritating incidents of the capture and con- 
fiscation of American ships within the three-mile limit ; 
but the difficulty is not settled. It has only been post- 
poned. 

So acute was the trouble at one time that Mr. Ed- 
ward Atkinson, in 1887, brought forward before the 
New York Chamber of Commerce a proposal that the 
United States should purchase from the Dominion of 
Canada, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Prince 
Edward Island, for the sum of £10.000,000, which he 
estimated v/as about the share in the. Canadian debt 
for which these provinces were resi^.onsible. The sug- 
gestion came to nothing, but that it was made is sig- 
nificant. It shows that the Americans who bought 
Alaska from Russia are quite capable of attempting 
to settle other territorial difficulties in the same com- 
mercial fashion. 

The other difficulty resulted from the discovery of 
gold in the Klondyke. The Canadians naturally 
wished to have access to their gold-fields without pass- 
ing through an American Custom House. The Amer- 
icans, on the other hand, maintained that until gold 
was discovered the Canadians themselves recognized 
that Skaguay, which may be regarded as the ocean 
gate of the Klondyke, was part and parcel of the 

J04 



Nation Within Nation 

United States, and they resent the attempt of Canada 
to possess herself of an open door to the sea as an in- 
fraction of the Monroe doctrine, and an attempt to 
aggrandize the British Empire at the cost of the Amer- 
ican RepubHc. 

The proposal to settle this dispute by arbitration 
miscarried, owing to the short-sighted objection taken 
by our Foreign Office to the American proposition that 
in such arbitration the umpire should be chosen from 
the New World, which means that he should be either 
a Central American or a South American. The pro- 
posal was one which told altogether against the 
United States, for the natural bias of the Spanish 
Americans is by no means in favor of the United 
States. The proposal, however, dropped through, and 
the Skaguay question remains among those unsettled 
questions which have small regard for the peace of 
nations. 

In considering the probable future of Canada one 
salient fact can never be overlooked. Canada is not a 
homogeneous English-speaking community. The 
province of Quebec is essentially French in speech, 
Catholic in religion, and although loyal to the Empire 
this loyalty is the result of the Liberal policy adopted 
as the result of Lord Durham's mission, yet it jeal- 
ously preserves its essential French nationality. It is 
indeed a foreign nation within a British Dominion, and 
its existence materially complicates the question under 
consideration. As Mr. Goldwin Smith said, "When 
there is a solid mass of people of one race inhabiting 
a compact territory, with a language, religion, charac- 

J05 



Internal Danger 

ter, laws, tendencies, aspirations and sentiments of its 
own, there is de facto a nation." 

But the curious thing is that authorities, both Cana- 
dian and American, differ hopelessly as to whether the 
existence of this French nation will tend to accelerate 
or retard the union of Canada and the United States. 
When the Duke of Argyle returned from Canada after 
serving his term as Governor-General, he told me that 
he regarded the French-Canadians as one of the great 
obstacles in the way of annexation. The French 
priests had got everything the way they wanted it in 
Quebec, they could not possibly improve their posi- 
tion, and might easily mar it if they exchanged the 
Union Jack for the Stars and Stripes. Further, they 
could not hinder a great and continuous emigration of 
their young people to the mills of New England, 
though they regarded such an exodus with profound 
uneasiness. 

The French habitant once settled in New Zealand 
was exposed to the taint of heresy. Even if he pre- 
served the faith he became lax and was no longer as 
strict in the observance of his religious duties as he 
was in the old home of his childhood. They did not 
become Protestant so much as indifferent or freethink- 
ers. Thus, in the opinion of this excellent authority, 
the ultramontane ascendency which prevailed in Que- 
bec indirectly operated as a powerful bulwark of Brit- 
ish Dominion. 

On the other hand, this very element appears to 
some stout Imperialists as one of the greatest dangers 
confronting us in the future. Mr. T. W. Russell some 

i06 



Quebec 

eight or nine years ago visited Canada, and came back 
filled with horror at the state of things in Quebec. Mr. 
Russell is an Lister Protestant, and it is evident from 
his report that he regarded the state of things which 
prevailed in Quebec as a disgrace to the Dominion. 
"Quebec," he said, "was controlled by a rich, arrogant 
and powerful church. Cardinal Taschereau was in- 
finitely more powerful than the Prime Minister and 
his Cabinet, and the British element was being 
squeezed out although the Englishry paid five-sixths of 
the taxation." 

Mr. Russell did not on that account propose to ex- 
pel French Canada from the Dominion, but the senti- 
ments which he expressed represent probably with only 
too much fidelity the conviction of the majority of 
fervent Protestants in Ontario, and reveal a snag upon 
which the Dominion might be wrecked. There is no 
doubt that the dominant idea of Lord Durham in pro- 
posing his scheme of settlement was that it would be 
possible gradually but steadily to convert French Can- 
ada to the universal use of the English language. His 
scheme produced political contentment largely because 
it failed utterly to realize his hope about the language. 
Any attempt to interfere with the French language 
or impose secular education upon the French Cath- 
olics would produce an agitation which in the opinion 
of many competent judges would have as its effect 
the annexation of French Canada to the United States. 

There are some who advocate annexation on the 
ground that the French are too large and too compact 
a mass of non-English-speaking men to be assimilated 

iQ7 



A Dish for Uncle Sam 

or absorbed b}^ so small a community as that which in- 
habits the Canadian Dominion. If they were cast into 
the Continental crucible of the United States, instead 
of being a separate nationality the cultivation of 
French would be a mere local peculiarity of no more 
importance than the obstinacy with which some Ger- 
man and Norwegian colonists in Minnesota persist in 
refusing to use the English tongue. On the other 
hand, there are those who argue from a precisely op- 
posite point of view and maintain that the United 
States carries already as many foreign elements as are 
compatible with the maintenance of the English-speak- 
ing character of its people, and they object strongly to 
add a clotted mass of a couple of millions of French 
habitants to the other indigestible lumps with which 
the digestion of Uncle Sam has to grapple. In the 
midst of all this conflict and confusion of even expert 
opinion it seems to be tolerably clear that, whether the 
priests like it or not, the industrial districts of New 
England continue to draw like a great lodestone the 
more adventurous and enterprising youth of French 
Canada across the frontier. 

Recognizing this as inevitable, the hierarchy have 
made more than adequate arrangements for the spir- 
itual supervision of their migrating flock. The net re- 
sult is that French Canada is no longer confined to the 
districts north of the St. Lawrence. If an ethnograph- 
ical map of the North Eastern States were to be pub- 
lished it would appear that Boston has almost as much 
claim to be considered a French city as Quebec and 
Montreal. 

JOS 



Religious and Racial 

The question as to the effect which the participation 
of Canada in the South African War is Hkely to have 
upon the loyalty of the French Canadians is a matter 
that has been a good deal discussed. It is a curious 
fact that the first time Canada sent her sons to fight in 
an Imperial quarrel it was the Protestants who were 
enthusiastic, while the Catholics hung back, although 
the war was one not with a Catholic but with a Prot- 
estant people. 

Mr. J. G. Bourinot strongly opposed the war, but 
found himself in a small minority, owing to the as- 
cendancy of Sir Wilfrid Laurier. He expressed a 
very strong conviction as to the grave peril to the Em- 
pire which was created by putting this new strain upon 
the loyalty of the French Canadians. The Boer War 
did not interest them on either side, but thev dreaded 
the precedent. If Canada could be dragged into an 
English war with the Boers, how could they hope to 
escape the still more urgent appeal which would reach 
them if Great Britain were to be involved in a war 
with France? In such a case the French Canadian 
would find himself in exactly the same position as the 
Cape Dutch find themselves to-day, and it is not sur- 
prising that they shrank from being committed to any 
close co-operation with the Imperial arms. Even be- 
fore the Boer War arose to alarm French Canadian 
susceptibilities, one well-known French Canadian, M. 
Louis Frechette, at one time a member of the Domin- 
ion Parliament and a well-known Canadian poet, 
published an article which was almost a manifesto. 



J09 



The Virtue of Annexation 

under the title of "The United States for French 
Canadians." 

According to AI. Frechette, French Canadians re- 
garded Imperial Federation with unfeigned alarm. 
In an Imperial Parliament they would find themselves 
in a hopeless minority, in face of a majority inevitably 
hostile. He continued : — "The idea of Annexation has 
during the last few years made rapid progress with 
Canadians of French origin ; the fact is that even to- 
day, were they consulted on the question under con- 
ditions of absolute freedom, without any moral pressure 
from either side, I am certain that a considerable ma- 
jority of Annexationists would result from the ballot. 
And this majority cannot but increase .... Al- 
liance with the States of the Union would with one 
sweep of the pen settle all those thorny questions which 
now embarrass us. At one stroke .... we 
should have no more hatred or rivalry of faith or race ; 
no longer conquerors ever looking upon us as the con- 
quered; no longer any joint responsibility with any 
European nation ; no longer any frontiers ; no longer 
any possible wars ; a single flag over the whole of 
North America, which then would be, not the hold- 
ing of any particular nation, but the home of Human- 
ity itself, the Empire of Peace, the richest and most 
powerful dominion of the earth, under a democratic 
government." 

That the Canadians, French and English alike, are 
loyal is the fortunate result of the common sense and 
resolution of our Whig statesmen who, by the display 
of those qualities of statesmanship which have been so 

no 



Canada a Nation 

conspicuously lacking in South Africa, converted a 
French-speaking Roman Catholic province, steeped in 
sedition and seething with rebellious discontent, into 
one of the most devoted Colonies of the Empire. The 
secret is simple. We left them alone, allowing them to 
do for themselves as they thought best. But even now 
the appointment of such a Governor-General as Lord 
Milner would drive the whole of Quebec wild with 
alarm and suspicion. Sir Wilfrid Laurier, the Liberal 
Prime Minister of the Dominion, has never lost a 
chance of emphasizing the fact that Canada is not only 
a Colony and a Dominion ; Canada, he says, is a nation, 
and, as such, claims the rights of nationhood. 

How sensitive and easily jarred are the nerves of 
our Canadian fellow-subjects may be seen from the 
storm of dissatisfaction which has been occasioned by 
the disrespect shown to the French language by the 
Duke of Cornwall, who, of course, acted on the advice 
of Lord Minto. Why the genius of discord should 
have been allowed to mar the loyal festivals that at- 
tended the Royal tour no one but the Governor-General 
can tell. But the refusal to allow the Heir to the Crown 
to reply in French to loyal French addresses seems to 
savor of the arrogant and intolerant spirit which has 
of late poisoned the atmosphere of the Colonial Office. 
Taken together with other incidents, some of which 
were perhaps unavoidable, this slight to their lan- 
guage has led to protests which somewhat beclouded 
the closing scene of the Royal tour. The Canadians 
are very loyal, but we cannot presume upon their loy- 
alty. As the Avenir du Nord, an influential organ of 



Absorption Inevitable 

the French at Montreal, took occasion to remind the 
Duke :— 

" The French and English people of Canada greet in the 
Duke of Cornv/all and York the son of their sovereign, but 
do not intend thereby to furnish the Imperialists with the 
ilhision that Canada aspires to be stiHed by tighter and 
lighter British ties. The respect that we profess in a large 
measure, the marks of sympathy that we manifest — even in 
a too exaggerated manner — for the King of England and his 
son, will be changed into enmity and energetic struggle if 
ever it is sought to erase from our Constitution the clauses 
that make us almost independent, with a view to replace them 
by ImperiaHstic obligations such as are dreamed of by Mr. 
Chamberlain and a fev/ others." 

This may be dismissed as worthy of no importance 
because it is only French talk. So our loyalists at the 
Cape ignored the protests and complaints of the 
Dutch. Absit omen. 

It may be said that the French Canadians may be 
very enthusiastic to be annexed, but that the citizens of 
the United States would be much less eager to welcome 
Canada within the pale of the Union. What Americans 
think on the question of the future of Canada is not 
difficult to discern. One and all would disclaim any 
attempt to annex Canada against her will ; but one and 
all regard her absorption as her inevitable destiny, and 
while they would not hasten the hour when the fron- 
tier-line disappears they would rejoice to see the Union 
Jack disappear from the Western Continent. 

President Roosevelt's words are worth quoting in 
this connection. Before he was President or even 
Vice-President, he wrote : — "The inhabitants of a col- 
ony are in a cramped and unnatural state 

U2 



President Roosevelt's Words 

As long as a Canadian remains a colonist he remains 
in a position inferior to that of his cousins both in 
England and in the United States. The Englishman 
at bottom looks down on the Canadian, as on one who 
admits his inferiority, and quite properly, too. The 
American regards the Canadian with the good-natured 
condescension felt by the freeman for a man who is 
not free. 

"Every true patriot, every man of statesman-like 
habit, should look forward to the day when not a sin- 
gle European Power will hold a foot of American soil. 
At present it is not necessary to take the position that 
no European Power shall hold American territory; 
but it certainly will become necessary if the timid and 
selfish peace-at-any-price men have their vv^ay, and if 
the United States fails to check, at the outset, Euro- 
pean aggrandizement on this continent." 

But it will be said that Mr. Roosevelt is a repre- 
sentative of the extreme Expansionist school. It may, 
therefore, be well to quote the testimony of one who 
belongs to the other extreme. With the doubtful ex- 
ception of Mr. Atkinson, there is probably no morf 
thorough-going anti-Expansionist than Mr. Andrew 
Carnegie. No one can accuse him of animosity to the 
land in which he was born, and in which he spends 
his summers. He passed immune through the Jingo 
fever which laid so many of his compatriots low. But, 
upon the subject of Canada, Mr. Carnegie expressed 
sentiments even more uncompromising than those of 
Mr. Roosevelt 

In the year 1895, when tariff questions were to the 

n3 



Andrew Carnegie's Opinion 

fore, Mr. Carnegie came out strongly in favor of im- 
posing heavy duties upon all imports from Canada 
without regard to the doctrine either of F"ree Trade or 
Protection, but as a matter of high politics. 

The following passage is a very significant but per- 
fectly frank and sincere expression of the sentiments 
of a great number of the friendliest Americans upon 
the question of our position in Canada : — 'T think we 
betray a lack of statesmanship in allowing commercial 
advantages to a country which owes allegiance to a 
foreign Power founded upon monarchical institutions, 
which may always be trusted at heart to detest the re- 
publican idea. If Canada were free and independent, 
and threw in her lot with this Continent, it would be 
another matter. So long as she remains upon our 
flank, a possible foe, not upon her own account, but 
subject to the orders of a European Power, and ready 
to be called by that Power to exert her forces against 
us even upon issues that may not concern Canada, I 
should let her distinctly understand that we view her 
as a menace to the peace and security of our country, 
and I should treat her accordingly. She should not be 
in the Union and out of the Union at the same time if 
I could prevent it. Therefore, I should tax highly all 
her products entering the United States ; and this I 
should do, not in dislike for Canada, but for love of 
her, in the hope that it would cause her to realize that 
the nations upon this Continent are expected to be 
American nations, and I trust, finally, one nation, so 
far as the English-speaking portion is concerned. I 
should use the rod, not in anger, but in love; but I 

n4 



What Canada Offers 

should use it. She should be either a member of the 
Republic or she should stand for her own self, re- 
sponsible for her conduct in peace and war, and she 
should not shield herself by calling to her aid a for- 
eign Power." 

I have quoted the opinions of President Roosevelt 
and Mr. Carnegie. To them I would add a third, much 
less distinguished, but not less typical man, Mr. M. 
W. Hazeltine, discussing in 1897 the probable policy 
of President McKinley, declaring that if Mr. McKin- 
ley were mindful of the pledge, embodied in the plat- 
form to which he subscribed, he w^ould apply his in- 
fluence and his ability in all lawful ways to further the 
movement for the voluntary incorporation of Canada 
with the Republic : — "He may not hold that extension 
of territory is desirable for its own sake, but he can- 
not but recognize that in the case of Canada there 
would be also an extension of market, and an exten- 
sion of the field of American investments over Cana- 
dian mines and enterprises. Nor can he shut his eyes 
to the fact — that the annexation of the Dominion of 
Canada would mean the final exclusion of war, witl^ 
all its burdens and horrors, from this Continent, and 
the secure dedication of North America to industry 
and peace." 

Mr. Hazeltine's expectations were not fulfilled. 
President McKinley did nothing to promote the incor- 
poration of Canada with the United States, and on the 
whole it was probably just as well. American senti- 
ment was slightly, very slightly, ruffled by the out- 
break of Jingoism across the border, and some obser- 

U5 



Interests Betrayed 

vations were let fall which showed that American opin- 
ion might take alarm if the Dominion were to be per- 
manently inoculated with the spirit of militant Im- 
perialism. Of that, however, there is little danger. 
At the same time it would not be wise to ignore the 
fact that with Canada's growing sense of nation- 
hood, and our sense of the obligations under which we 
He to the Dominion for the help it rendered to us in 
the South African war, will not tend altogether to 
facilitate the negotiations which are about to be re- 
sumed for the settlement of the few outstanding ques- 
tions which still remain to be settled. 

The permanent factor which always occasions ir- 
ritation on the part of the Americans is the fact that 
they can neither deal with Canada alone nor with 
Great Britain alone. The influence of the British Gov- 
ernment is almost invariably exercised in favor of a 
compromise. The Canadians are, however, very stiff 
at a bargain, and are very quick to declare that their 
interests are being betrayed by the Mother Country if 
we do not back them up to the uttermost in the claims 
which they make upon the American Government. 

Americans, it may be quite erroneously, are of opin- 
ion that if Great Britain were out of the way and they 
had to deal with Canada alone they would very soon 
come to terms, but they resent the Spenlow and Jor- 
kins arrangement by which one of the partners always 
shelters behind the other. Canada, however, abso- 
lutely refuses to be left out of the negotiations of ques- 
tions which primarily concern her ov/n interests. Upon 



U6 



Great Britain Warned 

this subject Mr. Carnegie, writing in the Contempo- 
rary Review, in November, 1897, said : — 

" Ambassador Pauncefote and Secretary of State Blaine, 
years ago, agreed upon a settlement of the Behring Sea ques- 
tion, and Lord Salisbury telegraphed his congratulations, 
through Sir Julian Pauncefote, to Mr. Blaine. The two na- 
tions were jointly to police the seas and stop the barbarous de- 
struction of the female seals. Canada appeared at Washing- 
ton and demanded to see the President of the United States 
upon the subject. Audience was denied to the presumptuous 
colony ; nevertheless, her action forced Lord Salisbury to dis- 
avow the treaty. No confidence here is violated, as Presi- 
dent Harrison referred to the subject in a message to Con- 
gress. Britain was informed that if she presumed to make 
treaties in which Canada was interested without her consent, 
she would not have Canada very long. It will be remem- 
bered that Canada took precisely the same position in re- 
gard to international copyright. It is this long-desired treaty- 
making power which Canada has recently acquired for her- 
self, at least as far as concerns fiscal policy, so that she need 
no longer even consult her suzerain. She can now ap- 
pear at Washington, and insist upon being received when 
new tariff measures are desired, having suddenly become a 
' free nation,' according to her Prime Minister. There are 
surprises in store here for the indulgent mother." 

Our permanent difficulty, that of inducing the Cana- 
dians to accept what we consider a legitimate compro- 
mise, but what they are apt to regard as an indefensi- 
ble sacrifice of their vital interests, will certainly not 
have been diminished by recent events. The Canadians 
will feel and say that they did not storm Paardeberg, 
in order that Great Britain should give away their 
right to Skaguay, or their fishery monopoly, for im- 
perial considerations in which they have very remote 
interest. If we insist they will sulk, and Mr. Carne- 
gie's foreboding prophecy may be realized. There 
will be no rupture, but the silken tie will be strained, 

m 



Canada at a Standstill 

and in proportion as it is weakened the pull of the eco- 
nomic forces making for union will be increased. 

The Canadians are at present smarting under a se- 
vere disappointment. The party in power after having 
for some years fostered emigration and developed 
trade relations with the Mother Country, confidently 
expected that the census would reveal a great increase 
in the population. In 1891 the census figures were 
4,823,875. In 1901 it was hoped that they would re- 
port a population of 6,000,000. Imagine the dismay 
occasioned by the return of only 5.338.833 residents in 
the Dominion. The whole Dominion in ten vears has 
only added to its population about the same number of 
citizens as were added in the same period to the single 
State of Minnesota. Of the 513,000 added to the pop- 
ulation of Canada, 306,000 are to be found west of On- 
tario. The population of Ontario itself is virtually 
stationary, an increase of 2 per cent, being neither here 
nor there. 

Professor Henry Davies, of Yale University, re- 
cently summed up his conclusions, arrived at after an 
interviewing tour in the Dominion, as follows : — 

"Much of Canada's stagnation is due to the in- 
ability of her leading men to see that the great assim- 
ilating power on this hemisphere is American, and not 
English. This the people have already begun to learn. 
England has practically capitulated, so far as Canada 
is concerned, as recent futile parleyings have shown. 
The situation, therefore, wants nothing but better trade 
relations with this country to perfect conquest." 

What is to be hoped for is that, when the inevitable 
US 



Canadian Administration 

union takes place, it will be brought about with the 
hearty consent and concurrence of the Mother Coun- 
try, even if the Mother Country herself does not set 
the example to Canada in taking the initiative in pro- 
moting that race alliance towards which everything 
seems to point. Should such a union take place it is 
probable there would be considerable simplification 
of the somewhat complex arrangements now existing 
in the Canadian Dominion. Decentralization and 
Home Rule are very good things, but they may be car- 
ried too far ; and eight separate Parliaments with eight 
separate executives seem a somewhat excessive allow- 
ance for a population that is not much in excess of the 
population of Greater London. 

Although both the American and Canadian consti- 
tutions are based upon the federal principle, there is 
considerable difference in the w^ay in which this prin- 
ciple is applied. In the United States the federal 
power is strictly defined. The Congress at Washing- 
ton has no power to legislate but on certain specified 
subjects. All others not specially reserved for the cen- 
tral power are left to be dealt with according to the 
sovereign will of each of the federated states. In 
Canada the problem is approached from the other end. 
The powers of the provincial parliaments are strictly 
defined, while the undefined residue is left to the Par- 
liament of the Dominion. 

The Canadian judiciary is federal throughout the 
whole Dominion, and the judges are not elective. In 
the United States the judiciary is both federal and 
local, and the local judges are elected by popular vote. 

n9 



Canadian Administration 

Laws of banking, of commerce, and of marriage are 
federal in the Dominion, and are left to the States in 
the Republic. It is extremely difficult to amend the 
American Constitution, whereas the Canadian Consti- 
tution can be amended wtihout much difficulty. When 
there is a dispute between the local authorities or be- 
tween the provincial governments and the Federal 
Government, there is an appeal in the last instance to 
the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in London. 
In the United States the Supreme Court at Washing- 
ton is the final authority. 

In many respects the Canadian administration, es- 
pecially that part which concerns the welfare of In- 
dians, compares favorably with that of the United 
States. The contrast between the administration of 
justice in mining districts in Canada and in the United 
States has frequently been commented upon by the 
Americans themselves. There is none of the free 
shooting in the Canadian mining camps which used 
to be so characteristic of California. The same men 
who were ready to shoot at sight in Colorado no 
sooner crossed the 49th parallel of latitude than they 
recognized that free shooting was contrary to the law 
of the land, and that no one had a pull which was good 
for anything with the Canadian justices. 

These questions of detail, although interesting and 
important, are not vital, except in so far as they tend 
to show that if the Dominion and the Republic are ever 
to be merged in one greater union, both parties to the 
marriage will bring an ample dower, both moral and 
material to the common stock. 

no 



Canadian Administration 

It is not impossible that the Nemesis which follows 
the South African war may tend to operate against 
the unity of the Empire. The Canadians, especially 
those who served in Strathcona's Horse, did not carry 
back with them to Canada a very high appreciation 
of the military genius of the British officer or the or- 
ganizing capacity of the British War Office. 

Like all the Colonials engaged in this war, they felt 
themselves to be far and away better men than the 
Regulars whom they were sent to assist. Some of 
them came home convinced that the Boers were in the 
right, and that England had enlisted their services in 
a bad cause. They said nothing, but waited. They 
are waiting still. The spectacle which the British 
Army offers to the Empire to-day is not conducive to 
the development of Imperial pride. 

The Colonists were willing enough to help the 
Mother Country out of a temporary scrape, it being 
understood that the said Mother Country was still a 
going concern, that dry rot had not sapped her 
strength, that her statesmen were not dotards, and her 
administrators amateur dilettanti, and that, in short, 
there was honor and glory in being connected with 
what was believed to be the greatest, the wisest, the 
strongest of the Empires of the world. 

But with the whole British army lying foundered 
month after month in South Africa, what are they to 
think of it? Has the Mother Country then become 
otily a toothless old granddame, whose faculties have 
all gone to fat, and who has neither the wit to make 
peace or the skill to make war ? They do not say so as 

i2t 



The Awakening 

yet, nay, they are even preparing to send out another 
contingent to her assistance, but some such conviction 
must be forcing its way home to the Colonial mind. 
How much longer is it to last? And if Britannia is in 
her dotage, if her people are decadent and a piano and 
cook-stove mobility is all that her officers are capable 
of, then how long will it be before the cry of "To your 
tents, O Israel," or its modern equivalent, "Hail Co- 
lumbia," is raised in the Dominion ? 

It is a question of considerable interest just now to 
many people of whom President Roosevelt is easily the 
most considerable. 



122 



The Americanization of 
the World 



Chapter Seventh 

Of Australia 

One of the great events of the past twelve months 
was the opening of the first Parhament of the Aus- 
tralian Commonwealth by the heir to the British 
Crovv^n. The event was held with immense enthusiasm 
throughout the Empire, as a public ceremonial demon- 
stration of the closeness of the tie which binds the 
island continent of the Southern Seas v/ith the mother- 
land of the race. 

It may seem, therefore, singularly out of place to 
discuss at such a time the question whether even at 
the Antipodes the pull of the American Republic will 
be felt by the Australian Commonwealth. It must be 
admitted, of course, that the force of gravitation di- 
minishes according to the distance at which it is exer- 
cised, and Australia is by no means subject to the same 
continuous temptation to throw in her lot with the 
Americans to which the West India Islands and Can- 
ada are subject. 

Nevertheless, even in this first year a good many 
things have happened to give us cause to think, if 

J23 



The Australian Tariff 

not furiously, at least seriously, as to whether the net 
effect of the Federation of the Australian Colonies will 
tend so much to the consolidation of the Empire as we 
all wish to believe. 

To begin with, the very first result of the Consti- 
tution of the Australian Commonwealth has been to 
put up a tariff wall between Great Britain and the in- 
dependent sister nation at the Antipodes that is more 
of a barrier than a bond of union. 

To take only a small illustration of this. The Aus- 
tralasian Reviezv of Reviezvs, which was founded in the 
interests of the Empire, and for the purpose of pro- 
moting the Union of the English-speaking peoples, is 
an off-shoot of the parent Reviezv of Reviezvs. At 
least half of the contents of each number is printed 
from proofs sent from London. The immediate ef- 
fect of the new tariff has been to increase the cost of 
the production of the Australasian Reviezv of Reviezvs. 
A lo per cent, duty has been imposed upon paper, and 
25 per cent, upon the ink with which it is printed. 

All magazines printed in the Mother Country and 
exported ready-made to Australia must pay a duty. 
It js a very small matter, but it illustrates the point 
that the new order of things at the Antipodes has had 
some results not altogether promoting the realization 
of the King's ideal that Australia should be regarded 
as much part and parcel of the United Kingdom as 
Kent or Sussex. In framing the Australian tariff, the 
Government refused absolutely to follow the example 
of Canada. No preference whatever has been allowed 
to British goods. 
J24 



Unfilial Jealousy 

The Germans and the Americans, who bear none of 
the expense and undertake none of the responsibility 
for defending Austraha, are as free to send in their 
goods as the British tax-payer who has to bear the 
whole burden of Imperial defence. I am not com- 
plaining of this, only mentioning it as an indication 
that the Australian Commonwealth has shown no sym- 
pathy with those Imperialists who think that the unity 
of the Empire can best be attained and maintained by 
an Imperial Zollverein. 

Not only have the Australians imposed new taxes 
upon British goods, but their attitude on the question 
of the appeals to the Privy Council showed a sensi- 
tive jealousy in relation to the Mother Country. Mr. 
Chamberlain, in the very heyday of his popularity, 
found himself pulled up sharply by the refusal of the 
Australians to accept any settlement of the question of 
the Court of final appeal except the one which they 
liked. Right or wrong, they insisted upon having their 
own way, and, as usual, they got it. 

There is now no right of appeal to the Privy Coun- 
cil or to any English Court for the decision of any 
questions as to the interpretation of the Constitution 
or of the merits of conflicting claims of the separate 
States, unless the Australian High Court itself should 
certify that the question should be determined by the 
Privy Council. At the same time any appellant can 
appeal from the State Court direct to the Privy 
Council, without going through the Federal High 
Court — a provision which we owe to the wisdom of 
Mr. Chamberlain, and which will almost certainly 

i25 



Australian Problems 

result in conflicting decisions upon points of law. In 
the main, however, the Australians carried their 
point, and barred any appeal from the decision of their 
own High Court excepting by permission of that High 
Court itself. 

A third point which is worth remembering and dis- 
cussing in the question of the possible merging of 
Australia into the greater federation of all the English- 
speaking peoples, is the fact that in framing the Aus- 
tralian Commonwealth the Australians on one vital 
principle elected to follow the example of the United 
States rather taan that of the Canadian Dominion. In 
Canada, it has already been stated, the Canadians de- 
fined the powers of the Provincial Assemblies and left 
all other powers to the Federal Parliament. In Aus- 
tralia they followed the x\merican precedent. 

As Sir John Cockburn told the International Com- 
mercial Congress that met at Philadelphia in October, 
1899, the United States Constitution for the last ten 
years had been well-thumbed and well-read in the 
Australian Colonies. "Our problem," he said, "has 
been throughout almost identical with yours." And it 
is not surprising that he should go on to say: "In the 
fundamental characteristic of our constitution we have 
followed the example of the United States, and have 
placed only enumerated powers in the hands of the 
Federal authority, reserving all unenumerated powers 
for the State. Our cardinal condition is that only 
enumerated powers are placed in the hands of Federal 
authority." 

These enumerated powers differ somewhat from 

m 



Improving the Example 

those of the United States, in that the questions of 
marriage and divorce are reserved for the Federal 
Parhament, whereas in America each State has its 
own law of marriage and divorce. On the other hand, 
they followed the American example in calling the 
two Houses of the Federal Legislature, the Senate, and 
the House of Representatives, and, as is the case in 
the United States, each State enjoys equally inalien- 
able rights of representation in the Senate, no matter 
whether its population be large or small, and no mat- 
ter whether its area be extensive or limited. They 
have, however, departed from the American precedent 
by constituting the Senate by direct election, and also 
by making it easier to amend the Constitution. 

A constitutional amendment in Australia must first 
be passed by an absolute majority of both Houses in 
the Federal Parliament, or by one House on two oc- 
casions if rejected by the other. The amendment has 
then to be referred to the people of the several States, 
and a double majority of States and of people is nec- 
essary before the amendment takes effect. It is prob- 
able that if a plebiscite of the citizens of the United 
States could be taken to-day, the majority would de- 
clare in favor of their modifying their own constitution. 
Except these three points, namely, Federal law for 
marriage and divorce, direct election of Senators, and 
greater elasticity in readjusting the provisions of the 
altered needs to the new time, the Australian Consti- 
tution does not much differ from the American. 

Australia is following in the steps of the United 
States in other matters besides the fashioning of its 

J27 



A New Monroe Doctrine 

constitution. The new Parliament is not yet a year old, 
but it has already formulated a demand pregnant with 
great consequences for the adoption of a Monroe doc- 
trine for the Pacific. The question arose in the de- 
bate upon a New Guinea Protectorate, and the demand 
that the Australian Government should press for the 
adoption by the Empire of a Monroe doctrine for the 
Pacific met with unanimous support. The Prime Min- 
ister undertook to carry out the wishes of representa- 
tives of the Commonwealth, and thus at a bound Aus- 
tralia has leapt into the international area, v/ith a de- 
mand, avowedly fashioned upon the American prece- 
dent, which will be regarded as a direct challenge by 
all the States which have possessions in the Pacific. 
The policy may be right or it may be wrong; but it 
has at least the excellent quality of precision. It is an 
unmistakable proclamation on the part of the new Com- 
monwealth that no European or Asiatic Power is to be 
allowed to extend its dominions in the Pacific ocean. 
It does not yet appear whether the doctrine is to be ex- 
panded so far as to include the United States of Amer- 
ica. Probably not.* Neither is it quite clear from the 
brief telegram which is all that has vet reached this 



* In this connection it is interesting to remember that Sena- 
tor Proctor suggested some two or three years ago that in 
Asia, Britain and the United States should replace the wan- 
ing Imperialism of old Rome by a new Imperialism destined 
to carry the world-wide principles of Anglo-Saxon peace 
and justice, liberty and law. The measures which he sug- 
gests as necessary to achieve this end are the following: — 

(i) A Treaty of Arbitration in which all nations should be 
invited to join, but which in the first case should be nego- 
tiated between th<^ United States, Great Britain and Holland. 

128 



Probable Consequences 

country, what are the Hmits of the area within which 
the Austrahan Monroe doctrine is to apply. 

As the demand arose out of a debate on the ques- 
tion of New Guinea, it is probable that the area cov- 
ered by this new interdict includes all the islands on 
this side of the Straits of Malacca, even if it does not 
also include the great island of Sumatra, where the 
Dutch for many years past have been at war with the 
Atchinese. 

Following the precedent of the Monroe doctrine, 
there will be no immediate demand that the powers 
which have already seated themselves on the islands 
in the seas adjacent to Australia should haul down 
their flags and depart, for which mercy we may well 
express our thanks. But as there is a tendency among 
the Americans to expand the Monroe doctrine so far 
as to convert it into a reserved notice to quit to all 
European Powers whose flags are temporarily toler- 
ated in the New World, so we may be pretty certain 
that the Australian Monroists, if encouraged, will in- 
timate pretty plainly that the presence of the Dutch in 
Java and Sumatra, the Germans in New Guinea and 
Samoa, and the French in New Caledonia and Tahiti, 
is only tolerated during good behavior, and that any 
manifestation of a desire on their part to extend the 
area of their territories will be held to be good and 
sufficient reason for bundling them out bag and bag- 
gage over the seas which are now earmarked and ex- 
clusively reserved for Australians or at least for 
English-speaking men. 

What the European Powers will think of this, it is 

t29 



The Straining Point 

easy to imagine. The Spectator, some time ago, inti- 
mated, not obscurely, that nothing was more likely 
than that the Australians, casting covetous eyes on 
Java, would endeavor to eject the Dutch ; but although 
there are no limits to the fantasies of the Spectator, 
there are some limits to the resources of the Imperial 
Government. 

Of course, any attempt to enforce the Australian 
Monroe doctrine for the Pacific would be futile unless 
the Australians could wield, not only the small squad- 
ron which they maintain in Australian waters, but the 
war fleets of the Empire. It is easy to see what 
dangers the adoption of such a policy by the Empire 
would entail upon us in the four quarters of the world. 
It is equally easy to see the angry disappointment 
which will be occasioned in Australia if an unsympa- 
thetic answer is returned from Downing Street. 

One thing is quite certain, and that is, that if the 
Empire were to attempt to put a ring-fence round the 
unoccupied lands of the Pacific, it would in a very 
short time be compelled to undertake the duty of oc- 
cupying and administering them all. This might not 
be difficult with the smaller unappropriated islands 
which would not pay the expense of administration, 
but it would be very different with the islands which 
lie between the straits of Malacca and the Gulf of Car- 
pentaria. 

Sir Julius Vogel long ago proposed to proclaim a 
protectorate on behalf of New Zealand over all the 
Pacific islands — a bold step which, if it had been 
taken then, might have averted many of the dangers 

J30 



Australia for the White 

which would have to be faced if a similar policy were 
adopted to-day. Since Sir Julius Vogel's time, Ger- 
many has entered into the Pacific, and there will be 
small disposition on the part of the other Powers to 
recognize a mere paper protectorate. For the mo- 
ment, however, we may dismiss the subject, merely 
noting the fact as one more point in which Australian 
policy is more in accord with that of the United States 
than with that of the United Kingdom. 

We now approach the subject which of all others 
is most likely to strain to breaking point the ties be- 
tween the Commonwealth and the Mother Country. 
Australia is an undeveloped continent, the northern 
half of which lies within the tropics, that is to say, 
there is a region as large as the whole of Europe with- 
out Russia, which it is practically impossible to develop 
without colored labor. Opinion is divided on this 
point. The colony which lies within the tropical zone 
speaks with two voices. The Queensland delegates in 
the Federal Parliament assert that white men can do 
all the work that is needed in the sugar plantations, 
while the Queensland Government holds exactly the 
opposite opinion, and maintains that any interdict upon 
colored labor will be fatal to the Colony. 

When doctors disagree, the people decide, and when 
Queensland herself speaks with a double voice, the 
uninstructed outsider must draw his own conclusions. 
Of one thing there is no doubt, and that is that wheth- 
er white men can or cannot live and thrive while per- 
forming arduous manual labor under a tropical sun, 
the white man won't. It is equally certain that the 

J3J 



Australia for the White 

brown and the yellow man are only too anxious to 
have an opportunity to earn their living by converting 
the wilderness into a garden. There are more millions 
of Indian coolies, Chinese laborers, and Japanese hus- 
bandmen ready to open up and develop the immense 
agricultural and mineral resources of Northern Aus- 
tralia, than there are white men in the whole conti- 
nent. But, again, following the example of the United 
States, the Federal Parliament is absolutely opposed 
to the introduction of colored labor. 

The cry of a White Australia has carried all before 
it, and the members have shown an almost fanatic 
zeal in fencing round the Island Continent with a 
high wall ioi the exclusion of Chinese, Japanese, and 
Indian coolies. They have even gone the length of re- 
fusing to pay a subsidy for the carriage of mails to any 
steamship company which employ Lascars. Mr. Cham- 
berlain objected to any strong measure of exclusion 
against Asiatics. But he had no objection to their ex- 
clusion by means of an educational test which, as it 
will be administered, many members of the Federal 
Parliament themselves would find much difficulty in 
passing. In regard to the question whether colored 
labor should be employed, Mr. Chamberlain vetoed 
this on the two-fold ground that it was impossible for 
the Imperial Government to sanction the exclusion of 
the King's owm subjects from a British colony, and that 
such an interdict might involve the Imperial Govern- 
ment with other Powers, possibly with Japan. 

All the arguments which are now being used in 
America to secure the renewal of the Chinese Ex- 
J32 



The New Commonwealth 

elusion Bill are brought out and urged in order to 
lock and double-lock the door of Australia against any 
influx of Asiatics. Here, again, Australia is proclaim- 
ing a policy which can only be enforced by the aid of 
llie Imperial fleet One of the great achievements of 
which the civilized Powers were very proud in the 
nineteenth century was the success with which they 
battered in the gates which the Japanese had locked 
and double-locked against the invasion of Europeans. 
Having battered down the front door of the Japanese 
house, and hailed it as a great triumph of civilization, 
the Australians are now calling upon us to keep the 
Japanese from battering down the barrier which has 
been built up to prevent the ingress of xA.siatics into 
Australia. 

Yet in the latter case there is admittedly ample room 
to spare for millions of Japanese, and unless their la- 
bor is employed, vast tracts of territory exceeding in 
extent the whole of the area of the Japanese islands 
will remain practically useless to mankind. The 
Japanese conservatives, whose resistance we overcame 
by the summary persuasion of our cannon, could at 
least claim that they had filled up their own country, 
and that there was no waste land for settlers. Such 
considerations, however, do not weigh for much with 
the rulers of the new Commonwealth. They have 
made up their mind that Australia is to be reserved for 
white men. No yellow, brown, or black man need ap- 
ply, not even although it should be a demonstrable fact 
that without his labor hundreds of thousands of square 



J33 



In the Opinion of Mark Twain 

miles of fertile land must remain unreclaimed from the 
wilderness. 

It is obvious from this brief survey of some of the 
points upon which possible friction may arise that the 
Australians may demand from the Home Government 
that which the Home Government cannot concede. 
The new Commonwealth, in the pride of its youth, will 
find it very difficult to confine its enthusiasm within 
limits necessary for the welfare of the Empire. 

There will be a very strong party in the Common- 
wealth in favor of independence. The Sydney Bul- 
letin, a weekly serio-comic journal, which has done 
much to preach the gospel of the Australian Common- 
wealth, and is the only weekly paper which circulates 
throughout the whole colony, is the most uncompro- 
mising advocate of Australia for the Australians that 
could be found anywhere in the Empire. It deserves 
great credit for the unflinching intrepidity with which 
it opposed the South African War, but it has to be 
reckoned with as a permanent force against the main- 
tenance of the Imperial tie. 

Apart from these political points on which the Aus- 
tralians resemble the Americans, there are others ob- 
vious to everyone who has visited the Antipodes. 

When Mark Twain visited Australia he found the 
Australians in many respects exceedingly American. 
For instance, in his "More Tramps Abroad," he said : — 

" Sydney has a population of 400,000. When a stranger 
from America steps ashore there, the first thing that strikes 
him is that it is an English city with American trimmings. 
Later on, in Melbourne, "he will find the American trimming 
still more in evidence. There even the architecture will often 

J34 



Australians as a People 



suggest America. The photograph of its stateliest business 
street might be passed off for a picture of the finest street 
in a large American city." 



He did not, however, see any need for Australia fol- 
lowing the example of the American Colonies. He 
said : — 



" There seems to be a party that would have Australia 
cut loose from the British Empire, and set up housekeeping 
on her own account. It seems an unwise idea. They point to the 
United States; but it seems to me that the cases lack a good 
deal of being alike. Australia governs herself wholly. There 
is no interference. If our case had been the same, we should 
not have gone out when v.'e did. But the Americans are 
welcomed in Australia. One of the speakers at the Com- 
memoration Banquet at Adelaide, the Minister of Public 
Works, was an American born and reared in New Zealand. 
There is nothing narrow about the province politically or in 
any other way that I know of. Sixty-four different religions 
and a Yankee Cabinet Minister. No amount of horse-racing 
can damn this community." 



Where the Australians differ from the Americans 
13 in the absence of any element corresponding to the 
ethical leaven of the Pilgrim Fathers. In the whole 
of their history the Australians have never passed 
through the hard experiences which discipline nations. 
They have been the spoiled children of the human race. 
War, pestilence and famine, the three scourges of man- 
kind, have never compelled them to realize the sterner 
realities of existence. They have never experienced 
any deeper emotions than those engendered by the 
vicissitudes of the South African War. 

They are splendid cricketers, matchless horsemen, 
and devoted to all manner of sport. Sport, indeed, 

J 35 



Australians as a People 

may be said to be the Australian religion, and with 
them the chief end of man is to him to have a good 
time. A self-indulgent and undisciplined race which 
is suddenly called upon to cope with the delicate and 
dangerous problems of international policy is certain 
to be wilful, impulsive, impetuous, not to say reckless 
in the pursuit of its ideals. 

The late Mr. Francis Adams, who for some time 
was on the staff of the Syd)icy Bulletin, gave a very 
sombre account of the citizens of the New Common- 
wealth. He said : — 



" Educated in a secular manner, even in the denominational 
grammar schools, our New World youth is a pure Positivist 
and Materialist. Religion seems to him at best a social affair, 
to whose inner appeal he is profoundly indifferent. History 
is nothing to him, and all he knows or cares for England lies 
in his resentment and curiosity concerning London. Sunday 
is rapidly becoming Continental, more and more the charac- 
teristics of a careless, pleasure-loving race are developed, that 
is secularly educated. The true Gallio gets his own way. 
History is identified with religion, and as such excluded from 
the curriculum, so that the sense of the poetry of the past and 
the solidarity of the race is rapidly being lost tn the young 
Australian. To the next generation England will be a geo- 
graphical expression, and the Empire a myth in imminent 
danger of becoming a bogey." 



Mr. David Christie Murray declared that the Aus- 
tralians were the rowdiest and most drunken popula- 
tion in the world : — 



" Parental control, as we Know it in England, has died out 
entirely. There is no reverence in the rising generation, and 
the ties of home are slight. Age and experience count for 
little, the whole country is filled with a feverish and restless 
energy. Everybody is in a hurry to be rich." 

136 



Australian Types 

Sir Charles Gavan Duffy eleven years ago, before 
P^deration had been accomplished, thus described Aus- 
tralia and the Australians : — 

" There are six States which possess more natural wealth, 
wider territory, a better climate, and richer mineral deposits 
than the six great Kingdoms in Europe, where a new Eng- 
land, a new Italy, a new France, a new Spain, and a new 
Austria are in rapid process of growth, and are already occu- 
pied by a picked population. They are no insignificant hand- 
ful of men — these Australian colonists; they are more numer- 
ous than the people of England were when they won Magna 
Charta, or the people of the United States were when the 
Stars and Stripes were first hoisted to the sky — resolute, im- 
patient men, not imworthy, to follow such examples on ade- 
quate occasions." 

When the late Henry George visited Australia he 
was much impressed with the fact that the English 
characteristics of Australians were only on the sur- 
face : — 



" It seemed to me that in spite of the retention of English 
ways and habits, the Australian type that is developing is 
nearer to the American than to the British. The new coun- 
try, the fresher, freer life, the better diffusion of wealth, are 
telling in the same way on the English that have taken root 
in Australia as on the English that took root in America. 
There are, I think, in the people, and especially in the native- 
born evidences of the very inventiveness, the same self-reli- 
ance and push, the same independence, the same quickness of 
thought and movement, the same self-satisfaction and spread- 
eagletiveness as are supposed to be characteristic of our own. 
The Australian States are only nominally colonies. They are 
in reality in all things of practical importance self-governing 
Republics. With the political connection with Great Britain, 
which vmder present conditions combines security with free- 
dom, there is no restiveness, neither do I think there is any 
loyalty more than skin-deep. The tariff legislation, in which 
Great Britain is treated as any other foreign country, is a 
more substantial declaration of independence than any mere 

J37 



speak English or German' 

formal declaration could be. As for feeling towards the 
United States, it is fully as good and as warm as we deserve. 
I am inclined to think that the Australians would be quick to 
respond to any proposition from us for reciprocity. We 
could virtually annex Australia as we could virtually annex 
Canada, and Great Britain by the simple process of abolish- 
ing our tariff and raising our revenues by means not in them- 
selves corrupt." 



Henry George's suggestion as to reciprocity may 
bear fruit. President Roosevelt received from his 
predecessor as an inheritance the adoption of a policy 
of reciprocity. The connection between Austraha and 
the Pacific Coast is very close. Even now mails sent 
from London zna San Francisco reach New Zealand a 
fortnight earlier than mails sent by any other route. 

The Americans, eager for new markets, will find a 
better opening for their manufactures in Australia 
than in the Philippines. Nor will they have any set- 
off in the shape of military charges or cost of adminis- 
tration. Should the Australians ever declare for inde- 
pendence, the strain of the rupture will lead them 
naturally to seek for support where it can be found, 
and the history and traditions of the United States 
render it impossible that they should look in vain for 
the sympathy and support of the American Republic. 

One of the most interesting questions of the future 
is whether the Australians of the future will speak 
English or German. At present all the odds are in 
favor of English, but the chance that the majority 
of men who would people Australia at the end of the 
century may speak German and not English is greater 
than most English people have yet realized. 

US 



The Birth-Rate Danger 



&" 



According to the last census returns, the total popu- 
lation of the Australian Commonwealth was under 
four millions, the exact figures being 3,777,212 or less 
than the population of London. In the previous dec- 
ade the total increase was 593,975. There was prac- 
tically no gain by emigration. The increase from that 
source was only 5,328, most if not all of whom were 
either Japanese, Hindus, or Kanakas. The Australian 
legislators and journalists have sounded the alarm 
over the extent to which the Australian parents have 
adopted as a rule of life the preventive limitation of 
the family. 

According to Mr. Coghlan's recently published book 
entitled ''A Study in Statistics," between 1895 and 
1898 the average birth-rate in New South Wales has 
declined by one-third, and there are fewer children 
under ten years of age in Victoria than there were ten 
years ago. In New South Wales in 1885, 546,000 
women between the ages of eighteen and fifty produced 
as many children as 665,767 women of the same ages 
in 1898. The number of children born to wives of 
Australian birth is 3.5 ; in France it is 3.4. Thirty 
years ago the average in Australia was 5.31. The 
birth-rate has fallen in the United Kingdom but noth- 
ing like to the same extent. 

The average number of children per marriage in 
the United Kingdom was 4.36 ten years ago. In 1900 
it had fallen to 3.63, a reduction of nearly 7 per cent. 
A population which has ceased to increase and multi- 
ply, and has arrived at a birth-rate almost identical 
with that which for several years past arrested the in- 

J39 



Germanized Australia 

crease of population in France, cannot count confi- 
dently upon controlling the future of the continent 
upon the rim of which it has squatted. 

Australia in geographical extent is large enough 
to include the whole of the United States, with the 
exception of Florida and Alaska. It is. with the ex- 
ception of Siberia, the one vast unoccupied habitable 
expanse left on the world's surface. If the Australians 
are ceasing to increase and multiply and replenish the 
earth, and are confining themselves merely to keeping 
up their numbers with a small annual increase, they 
need not expect to be able to monopolize the posses- 
sion of the vast hinterland which could afford homes 
for the overflow of Europe for the next hundred years. 

If the Australians are ceasing to breed, the Ger- 
mans are not. For the last ten years the great de- 
velopment of manufacturing industry in Germany has 
practically arrested the outflow of emigrants from 
the Fatherland. But the present financial crisis in the 
German Empire will turn on the tap once more. Even 
without any such distinct impetus to emigration, it is 
obvious that Central Europe must again begin to pour 
out a steady stream of her surplus population for 
which there is no room at home. 

Hitherto the great stream of German emigrants has 
been directed to the United States of America. But 
there the English-speaking people have got too much 
start. They are too numerous and too powerful for 
the Germans ever to hope to destroy the English- 
speaking character of the United States. It is dif- 
ferent in Australia. It is by no means beyond the pale 

t40 



Germans Good Colonists 

of possibility that German emigration, if directed to the 
Antipodes, might reach a quarter of a milHon a year. 
In ten years one-half of the population of Australia 
would be of German origin. 

If Germans breed and Australians will not, the 
future will unquestionably lie with the most prolific 
race. Australia to the German offers every advan- 
tage of a German colony, and none of the disadvan- 
tages. Every German settler is as free to take up 
land in Australia as if he were born in the United 
Kingdom. The Germans have already effected a lodg- 
ment in the Antipodes. 

Mr. Sutherland, who contributed to the Centennial 
of May, 1900, an article on the German Villages, de- 
clared that there were few Colonies in which a Con- 
tinental European nation had left so distinctly its 
national and racial mark. At the same time there were 
from 30,000 to 40,000 German colonists in Australia. 
They were chiefly to be found in South Australia. 
For many miles north and south of Port Mannum the 
country is dotted with German farms, and the farmers 
are developing vine-growing, Mr. Sutherland says : — 

" The stream oT German emigration to South Australia 
never ceases. It is not a matter of fits and starts ; it goes on 
quietly from year to year, and the proportion of German 
colonists steadily keeps pace with the growth of the popula- 
tion. The affinity of kinship, religion, and language has 
proved more powerful than any disintegrating influence. At 
the present time there is reason to believe that the flow of 
German colonization is largely on the increase. By the last 
census it appeared that the number of colonists who owned 
Germany as their birthplace was almost exactly equal to the 
sum total of those who were born in all the other Australian 
Colonies. Some of the finest steamers in the Australian trade 

HI 



New Zealand's Leanings 

arc now engaged in bringing passengers direct from Bremen 
and Antwerp to the chief cities of Australia. Adelaide re- 
ceives a large proportion of this influx." 

The Germans make good colonists. They do not 
crowd to the towns as the Australians do. They 
abide by the Lutheran religion, and, although they 
cherish their own language, they become good Aus- 
tralian citizens. There is not much probability that 
even if Australia became a German-speaking land, 
it would place itself imder the domination of the Ger- 
man Empire. But at the present moment, taking a 
wide lookout over the world, there seems to be much 
better chance of creating a Greater Germany beyond 
the sea in Australia than anywhere else on the world's 
surface. 

I have said nothing in this chapter about New Zea- 
land, which appears to be developing her destinies 
quite independently of Australia. At present it would 
seem as if New Zealand had a greater attraction for 
the United States than the United States for New 
Zealand. There is no country in the world whose 
social experiments are watched with greater interest 
by the younger school of American economists and 
politicians than those which have been carried out 
by that Colony. 

Should the industrial development of the United 
States take a trend in the direction of State socialism, 
it is to the experiments of New Zealand that the Ameri- 
can legislators will look for guidance as to what to do 
and what to avoid doing. But whether the attraction 
is exercised by New Zealand upon the United States 

J42 



Loyalty of Colonists 

or by the United States upon New Zealand, it cannot 
fail to unite the two countries more closely together 
by ties of common interest. Although there is but 
little trace of American influence in New Zealand at 
present. 

Writing on the question of the future relations of 
the United States and New Zealand in the Nineteenth 
Century in 1890, Mr. Bakewell, a very intelligent resi- 
dent in Auckland, New Zealand, expressed an em- 
phatic opinion as to the readiness of the New Zealand- 
ers at that time to transfer their allegiance from the 
British Empire to the United States of America. He 
said : — 

" If Australia became independent, Canada would follow 
suit, and the probability is that a great federation of English- 
speaking Republics would be formed, including the United 
States. In that case New Zealand would join as a separate 
State, as Texas did. If the question of annexation as a State 
to the United States of North America were put to the vote 
to-morrow, there would not be a thousand votes against it." 

That was eleven years ago. Mr. Bakewell would 
not repeat it to-day. In 1890 there was very little 
Imperial feeling in New Zealand. Loyalty was chiefly 
confined to those colonists who were British-born. 
The younger generation sat very loosely to the Em- 
pire. 

" If you want to keep us from Republicanism," said Mr. 
Bakewell, " you must let us see something of royalty," 

The hint has been taken, and the recent tour of the 
Duke and Duchess of Cornwall and York has been 

J43 



A Contrast 

exploited to the uttermost in the interests of the Em- 
pire. Nevertheless, there is no more independent com- 
munity on the world's surface than New Zealand, nor 
any which would more angrily resent any attempt to 
cross its will. 

It is impossible to repress a somewhat sardonic 
smile at the thought of Mr. Seddon beating the war- 
drum and sending forth contingent after contingent 
of New Zealand youth in order to suppress the inde- 
pendence of the South African Republics, when every- 
one knows perfectly well that he and all the New Zea- 
landers would have rushed to arms long before if Mr. 
Chamberlain had interfered one-tenth as much with 
the internal affairs of New Zealand as he did with 
those of the Transvaal. 

President Kruger was a much less independent po- 
tentate than Mr. Seddon ; and New Zealand as an 
"independent sister nation" is much more independent 
of control from Downing Street than the Transvaal 
would be if its independence were restored to-morrow, 
with such treaty limitations as even President Kruger 
is now willing to accept. 



U4 



The Americanization of 
the World 



Chapter Eighth 

A Crucible of Nations 

The United States of America owes no small por- 
tion of its exuberant energies to the fact that there 
has poured into that Continent for the last fifty years 
a never-ceasing flood of emigrants recruited for the 
most part from the more energetic, enterprising and 
adventurous members of the Old World. The United 
States has taken the place of the United Kingdom as 
the natural refuge of the political refugee. 

There is not a country in Europe which has not 
contributed of its best to build up the American peo- 
ple. The tradition of the Mayflower has been main- 
tained to this day. It is true that most of those who 
have migrated to the United States have not gone 
thither to seek freedom and to v/orship God so much as 
to seek opportunity to earn a decent livelihood ; but 
there has never failed a goodly proportion of those who 
were driven from the Old World by the lash of the 
persecutor. But whether they have emigrated for 
conscience' sake, or whether they came in search of 
filthy lucre, they have always been above the average. 

U5 



The Elements of Greatness 

Sometimes the motive which drove them westward 
has been a desire to escape from justice or to evade 
the obligations of citizenship ; but whether the mo- 
tive in itself was respectable or disreputable, the fact 
that it sufficed to transfer so many human bodies across 
3,000 miles of ocean to new homes in a new world 
showed at least that the souls which give mobility to 
these human bodies were capable of taking risks, of 
facing the unknown, and of submitting to the sacrifice 
entailed by severance from the environment of their 
childhood. 

In other words, the nineteen millions of emigrants 
who have crossed the Atlantic in the last century to find 
homes in the United States have been men of faith. 
They believed in themselves ; they believed in the fu- 
ture, and although in a very material sense they sought 
a better city than that into which they had been born ; 
they were masters of their destiny. 

The crowded millions of the Old World who are 
born and live and die in the district in which they 
happen to be born represent the vis inertice of Europe. 
The nineteen millions who cross the Atlantic repre- 
sent its aspirations and its energy. Many of them, 
no doubt, were driven westward by the scourge of 
starvation. But many millions who suffered as much 
as they, remained behind, lacking the energy necessary 
to transport them to another hemisphere. 

The emigrant population, therefore, possesses pre- 
eminently this characteristic that it has sufficient life 
to have motion, sufficient faith to face the future, under 
the unknown conditions of a new world, and sufficient 

H6 



Human Ingots 

capacity to acquire the means requisite to transport 
them across the Atlantic. This emigration, which is 
often regarded by Americans as an element of danger, 
has probably contributed more than any other, except 
the Puritan education of New England, to the mak- 
ing of the Republic. 

The American, it is evident, is no mere Englishman 
transplanted to another continent. In his veins flows 
the blood of a dozen non-English races. The Eng- 
lish, some say, can claim only an antiquarian interest 
in the new race which has emerged from the furnace 
pot into which all nationalities have been smelted down 
in order to produce that richest ingot of humanity, 
the modern American.''' But there is surely no need 
for this vehement repudiation of the nation which first 
colonized Virginia and equipped the Mayilozver. As 
for the foreign element in the human conglomerate, 
that troubles us little. We English are a composite 
race. It is no small part of the secret of our great- 
ness. 

If the North American Continent may be compared 



* I hope that this may not bring a blush to the cheek of 
any American, for, as Mr. W. D. Howells wrote in 1897, 
" Whatever Europe may think to the contrary, we are now 
really a modest people." But when I read the speech of Mr. 
Cummins, the Governor-elect of Iowa, at the New York 
Chamber of Commerce dinner, I was reassured. For Mr. 
Cummins declared that " In the depth and breadth of char- 
acter, in the volume of hope and ambition, in the universality 
of knowledge, in reverence for law and order, in the beauty 
and sanctity of our homes, in sobriety, in respect for the 
rights of others, in recognition of the duties of citizenship, 
and in the ease and honor with which we tread the myriad 
paths leading from rank to rank, in life, our people surpass 
all their fellow-men." 

X47 



Blending of Races 

to a mammoth blast furnace, in which the crude ores 
quarried in many diverse mines are being smelted into 
a human compound, quite distinct and diverse from 
any of its constituents, these islands of ours may be 
described as a crucible in which the same process has 
been going on for ages. We are emphatically a mixed 
race. The process which we witness on a great scale 
and with immense rapidity in Chicago and New York 
has been going on for centuries in Britain. Aborigi- 
nal Briton, conquering Roman, marauding Pict, dev- 
astating Saxon, piratical Dane, plundering Norse- 
men and civilizing Norman, were all used up in the 
blend labelled English. 

Long after the English stock emerged from the 
crucible of war, it was continually improved by the 
addition of foreign elements. French Huguenots, 
German emigrants, fugitive Jews, Dutchmen and 
Spaniards, all added more or less of a foreign strain 
to our English blood. It has been our salvation. The 
mixing of Welsh and Irish, Scotch and English, Celts 
of the Highland and Danes of Northumberland, which 
has gone on for centuries and is going on to-day, has 
produced a type which is being reproduced on a 
gigantic scale and with infinite modifications across 
the Atlantic. 

That they are not the same but diverse is a matter 
of course. Even the American Constitution, fash- 
ioned, as its founders believed, on the lines of the 
British, differs notably from its model. There is no 
such thing as a common race even in England, let 
alone in the United States. We are all conglomerates, 

H8 



The Smelting Pot 

with endlessly varying constituents. But we have at 
least a common language, and we all own allegiance 
to Shakespeare if to no other man of woman born. 

As Professor Waldstein pointed out the English- 
speaking nations possess seven of the elements which 
go to constitute a nationality, viz., a common language ; 
common forms of government ; common culture, in- 
cluding customs and institutions ; a common history ; 
a common religion, and, finally, common interests. 

But the United Kingdom was a crucible the size of 
a tea-cup. In the United States we find a crucible 
of Continental dimensions. A process which in Eng- 
land has spread over centuries has been carried on in 
the United States within the lifetime of generations. 
But, notwithstanding all this vast influx from beyond 
the Seas, it has failed to submerge the distinctively 
English-speaking American. The New Englander is 
still on top, and likely to remain so, although in many 
of the great cities he has been dethroned for a time 
by the Irish and their bosses. 

The greatest thing which the Americans have done, 
much greater than the concjuest of the Philippines or 
the invasion of the English market, or even than the 
suppression of the great Rebellion, has been the super- 
intendence of this vast crucible. The greatest achieve- 
m.ent was the smelting of men of all nationalities into 
one dominant American type, or — to vary the meta- 
phor — weaving all these diverse threads of foreign ma- 
terial into one uniform texture of American civilization. 

It has been done very largely in great cities, and the 
work has been taken in hand by men who are very 

H9 



Making the Citizen 

far from conscious artificers of providential designs. 
Tammany and its related political organizations have 
done a work, the full value of which is still far from 
being adequately appreciated either at home or abroad. 
These corrupt organizations, impelled solely by their 
own political ambitions, were nevertheless the most 
efficient agencies for grafting this multidinous myriad 
of foreign emigrants upon the American trunk. 

The Italian or Polish emigrant who arrives in New 
York and Chicago with a few dollars in his pocket 
and with no word of English on his tongue would have 
perished, had it not been that in the Ward Heeler and 
the Captain of the precincts into which he had drifted, 
he found a friend who, in return for political service 
to be rendered in future, was a very present help in 
time of need. He found him lodgings in a tenement 
house ; he often found him work ; he found him an 
interpreter. When he got into trouble with the police, 
he bailed him out or paid his fine, or used his pull with 
the magistrate to enable him to escape unwhipped of 
justice ; when he was ill, he put him in the hospital ; 
when he was dead, he buried him ; and, above all, be- 
fore election day came, he naturalized him, and se- 
cured his vote. 

No man is naturalized in America according to law. 
unless he can declare that he has read and accepted the 
principles of the American Constitution. Millions 
of foreigners have been naturalized and vote every 
day, who know about as much of the principles of the 
Constitution as the Russian soldier who thought that 
the Constitution was a woman and the wife of one 

J50 



Population Changes 

of their Grand Dukes. Nevertheless, it was by this 
means, in the first instance, that the foreign emigrant 
was enabled to take the first step towards the acqui- 
sition of the American nationality. 

The school to which his children were sent com- 
pleted the operation. In one generation, or at most 
in two, the foreign emigrant became thoroughly Ameri- 
canized, for the Americanization of the world is no- 
where gaining ground more rapidly than in the Amer- 
icanization of the citizens of the world, who from love 
of adventure, from sheer misfortune, or from any other 
cause, have transferred their residence from the Old 
World to the New. 

When the Republic was founded, Mr. Bancroft esti- 
mated that only four-fifths of the population of the 
revolted colonies used English as their mother-tongue. 
According to Mr. Carroll Wright, the United States 
Commissioner of Labor, the population to-day is half 
rather than one-fifth. This, of course, does not im- 
ply that Mr. Wright's half is made up of persons of 
foreign birth. At the census of 1900 not more than 
10,000,000 of the population of the United States 
had been born outside the Union. Of the 19,000,000 
who emigrated to the United States since 1821, 
9,000,000 are dead ; but before they died they multi- 
plied amazingly. 

It is characteristic of the foreign emigrant that even 
when fhe speaks French, he has been much more obe- 
dient to the ancient precept to multiply and increase 
and replenish the earth than the native-born English- 
American. The tendency to limit families which is 

J5J 



Climatic Influences 

most conspicuous in France, and is now only one de- 
gree less conspicuous in the Australian Colonies and 
the United Kingdom, has long been remarked as one 
of the dangers menacing the maintenance of an 
English-speaking civilization in the United States. 

The well-to-do American family of old standing 
will have two, three, or four children, while the Ger- 
man, Irish, or Polish emigrant who works in the mill 
or the mine or the factory, will have litters of children 
to the numbers of fifteen and under. It may be said 
that it does not matter, as they all learn to speak Eng- 
lish, but it matters a great deal in estimating the influ- 
ence of the various foreign strains upon their ultimate 
product, the American race. Professor Starr recently 
startled the world by maintaining that if it were not 
for the continuous influx of foreign emigration with 
its resultant prolific families, the genuine American 
would approximate to the type of the Red Indian, and, 
I suppose, like the Red Indian, would dwindle and 
disappear. 

A recent traveller in the United States declared, on 
returning to Britain, that the American continent was 
like nothing so much as one of the great refuse-de- 
stroyers which exist in every large town. The climate 
seemed to bum up the vitality of the settlers, producing 
nervous exhaustion, which, if not recruited continu- 
ously from without, would use up the race. These 
estimates are great exaggerations, but they testify to 
a tendency which should not be lost sight of. The 
European American seems to run too much to nerve 
and brain. He lacks the beefy animalism of his British 

i52 



American Ingredients 

and German progenitor, and living at a great pace 
stands in perpetual need of nerve tonics, medicines, 
pills of all sorts. The Americans, judging by many 
of the foremost specimens of the race, have developed 
their brains at the expense of their stomachs. They 
have great calculating apparatuses, but their digestive 
organs leave much to be desired. You will often find 
men who are standing the heavy strain of a long day's 
work in commerce or in journalism who are compelled 
to diet themselves upon milk and crackers. 

It is very curious to note the various ingredients 
which have been contributed to this international cruci- 
ble by foreign nations. The German percentage was 
highest between 1850 and i860, when it reached 36.6 
per cent. In the last decade this had fallen to 13.7. 
The Irish percentage was 42.3 per cent, in the period 
from 1821 to 1850; but between 1851 to i860 it fell to 
35.2, and in the last decade it had dropped to only 10.5 
per cent. 

Great Britain reached its maximum between 1861 
and 1870, when the percentage was 26.2. In the last 
decade it had fallen to 7.4. The emigrants from Scan- 
dinavia, Germany, Great Britain and Ireland, includ- 
ing those from Canada and Newfoundland, amounted 
to 74.3 per cent, of the nineteen millions of emigrants 
who settled in America in the last eighty years; but 
between 1850 and i860 they contributed 91.2 per cent, 
to the total, and in 1890-1900 their proportion had 
fallen to 40.4 per cent. 

The emigration from Southern and Eastern Europe 
may be said only to have begun in 1880. But the 

J 53 



American Ingredients 

number increased so rapidly that in the last decade Aus- 
tria-Hungary, Italy, Russia, and Poland contributed 
50.1 per cent, of the total number of emigrants. The 
number of emigrants arriving in the United States 
has shown a tendency of late to decrease. It reached 
its maximum in the year 1882, when no fewer than 
788,992 emigrants entered the Union. From that year 
the figures dropped until 1886, when they numbered 
only 334.203. The fluctuations were very great. In 
1892 they had risen to 623,084; in 1898 they had fallen 
to 229,299. Since then they had begun to climb up 
again, and in the year ending June 30th, 1900, the 
total number of emigrants was 448,572. Of this 
number only 2,392 belonged to the professional classes ; 
61,443 were skilled laborers; 163,508 were laborers; 
while the remainder, chiefly women and children. 134,- 
941, had no specified occupation. 

Almost all these emigrants go to the North and 
West. At the last census the proportion of foreign- 
born in the Southern States was less than 5 per cent. 
This contrasts very much with the returns from other 
States. Rhode Island had 31.4; North Dakota, 35.4; 
Montana, 27.6; Colorado, 16.9; Nebraska, 16.6 of the 
foreign-born. 

Of the 448,000 immigrants into the United States, 
last year, 300,000 came from Austria-Hungary, Italy, 
and Russia. Of the total number of immigrants, one- 
quarter came from Germany, one-fifth from Ireland, 
15 per cent, from England, 6 per cent, from Sweden 
and Norway. It is estimated that the number of Ger- 
mans in the United Staines was close upon ten millions, 

154 



Refractory Elements 

of whom three milhons were born in Germany, and 
the rest of German parentage. It sounds like a far- 
away dream of the past to recall the fact that sixty 
years ago, at tlie time when the future destiny of Texas 
was not finally fixed, German dreamers maintained that 
it might be possible to build up a German state in 
Texas which might permanently divide North x^merica 
with the dominant Anglo-Saxon. 

The most difficult ingredient in the crucible, the 
one which has hitherto proved most refractory, is the 
black population of the South. The census of 1900 
showed the colored population to number 9,312,585. 
Of these 8,840,789 were negroes, the others being about 
250,000 Indians, 119,000 Chinese, and about 86,000 
Japanese. The increase of the negroes did not quite 
keep pace with that of the white population, which 
is probably due entirely to the fact that there were no 
negro immigrants into the United States since the 
suppression of the slave trade. In 1890, the blacks 
were 12.5 per cent, of the population, in 1900 they 
were 12.2. These refractory substances often contain 
within themselves elements of great value necessary 
for the formation of a perfect blend. The American 
recoils from the thought of miscegenation. But if 
the tendency of the climate and the habit of life is to 
attenuate the physical frame and burn up the nervous 
vitality of the race, it is obvious that the nine million 
negroes afford an element of robust animal vigor 
which may yet stand in good stead if the process of 
assimilation could be rendered less unpleasant. 

The education of the negro race, taken in hand so 

J55 



The Colored Problem 

admirably by Booker Washington, who, in founding 
Tuskegee College, has shown a rare combination of 
science and common sense, will render the process 
less intolerable than it appears at present. But 
the outcry by the southern press when President 
Roosevelt invited Booker Washington to dine at the 
White House was an unpleasant reminder of the in- 
tensity of race prejudice, while the continual occur- 
rence of lynchings shows that considerable progress 
has yet to be made before the Americans can see their 
way to a satisfactory solution of the negro problem. 
In the last twenty years over 3,000 lynchings have 
taken place in the United States, the highest total 
being 236 in 1892. In 1900 the figure had fallen to 

115- 

It is not true, as is generally asserted, that the 
majority of lynchings occur to avenge assaults or out- 
rages by black men upon white women. In the last 
sixteen years 2,516 lynchings are reported. In fewer 
than 800 of these was an assault upon women alleged 
as the excuse. The chief causes for which negroes 
were lynched or murdered was attempted murder, but 
115 were lynched for horse stealing and 93 for arson. 
However painful these crimes of violence may be they 
are comparatively few in number ; 100 lynchings 
among 9,000,000 negroes is a blot on the sun, no 
doubt, but it is not an eclipse. 

The political effect of this vast foreign element, 
Avhether black or white, in the United States, upon 
the race alliance of the English-speaking peoples has 
naturally attracted considerable attention. The pres- 

J56 



Learning the Language 

ent Duke of Argyle regarded it as one of the features 
which would tend to promote such an alHance. Writ- 
ing in the North American Rcviezv in October, 1893, 
he laid considerable stress upon the advantage which 
it would be to the United States to have the sym- 
pathy of a sound, strong English confederation in 
league with the Union. 

He wrote "as the foreign element, Italian or Ger- 
man or French Canadian, gets stronger and more 
'=egregated in special states in the Union, it is quite 
conceivable that race or national questions under some 
specious name may cause trouble, and that the 'na- 
tional' population may live to hoist the tricolor or some 
other foreign flag in preference to the Stars and 
Stripes. The French in the northeast might well 
form such a national cave of Adullam. Then how 
about the foreign elements in the South, half Congo, 
half Creole? These things may be out of sight for the 
present, but the present becomes the distant past very 
soon in politics, and an English bund is not a bad 
antidote to certain schemes and dreams which are 
ver}' un-English, using that adjective in its best sense." 

The tendency of foreign populations to become 
centred in certain districts is probably a temporary 
phenomenon. There are quarters in New York and 
Chicago where the English language is hardly known. 

There is an anecdote told of a foreign immigrant, 
who. having settled in New York, applied herself dili- 
gently to learning what she imagined to be the lan- 
guage of the country in v/hich she had settled, and it 
was only after she had removed to another precinct 

\57 



No English Allowed 

that she learned to her chagrin that she had wasted 
all her pains in learning a Bohemian dialect, which, 
as it was the only language spoken in her street, she 
had mistaken, for the American tongue. 

In all the great states, however, the work of fusing 
the various nationalities into one homogeneous whole 
is carried on steadily, though not at such high pres- 
sure, even in the country districts where it is still pos- 
sible for aliens to preserve the language, religion, and 
customs of their fatherland. 

Mr. Rodney Walsh, who contributed an article to 
the Forum for Feburary, 1891. on "The Farmer's 
Changed Condition," declared that in entire counties 
in Illinois and Wisconsin the English language is 
scarcely ever heard outside the great towns. The 
church services are conducted in a foreign tongue, 
and instruction is given in it at the schools. Mr. 
Babcock, writing on "The Scandinavians in the North- 
west" a year later, said : "You can travel 300 miles 
across Wisconsin, Iowa, and Minnesota without once 
leaving land owned by Scandinavians. In Minne- 
sota one-seventh of the legislators are Scandinavians, 
and there are thirty-seven Scandinavian newspapers." 
But one of the most remarkable testimonies as to the 
extent to which the United States have been Euro- 
peanized reached me in the shape of a letter from 
Galveston in Texas in 1891. 

The writer, Mr. E. J. Coyle, wrote : "Don't believe 
for a moment that twenty-five of our citizens are of 
British or Saxon origin, or of English-speaking sym- 
pathies, for they are not. Take for example this 

J58 



Polyglot Colonization 

Latin-American province, Texas, or California, Ari- 
zona or any of the new lands ceded by the Guadalope- 
Hidalgo treaty, and has the Englishman a foothold? 
Thank God, no. New Braunfells, Comal County, one 
of our most successful German Colonies, located in 
1840, has never recognized an English journal in its 
midst. The children of the second generation speak 
the language of Goethe. I can take you to five 
thousand post-offices, schools, and courts of justice 
in our state where Spanish, German, and Bohem.ian 
are exclusively used — in fact, the official language. 
Galveston, with a population of fifty thousand, can- 
not muster a corporal's squad of Americans of 
English-speaking origin; the same can be said of all 
our great western cities. The day of the English- 
speaking people here is gone, and it will never re- 
dawn." It would be interesting to compare this con- 
fident prediction of ten years ago with the present state 
of things in Texas. 

That there may be in various parts of the 
American union communities which preserve their 
ancient language with the zeal of the Welsh or of 
the Scottish Highlanders may be true, but the only 
efifect of this will be to increase the number of bi- 
lingual people in the United States. It is even pos- 
sible that a nationality which has allowed its language 
to fall into disuse in its native land may regain its 
vigor and vitality by being transported to the United 
States. 

The movement for reviving the use and the study 
of the ancient Irish language is much more vigorous 

159 



The Indispensable Language 

in the United States than in Ireland itself. News- 
papers printed in Irish are produced, circulated 
and read in America to a much greater extent than 
any similar publications in Ireland. The attempt to 
boycott the English language in some American 
schools has been carried to considerable lengths, but 
even in places like Milwaukee and other foreign settle- 
ments in the Northwest it is found impossible to pre- 
vent the children learning English. They pick it up 
in the playground, and as English is, and is likely to 
remain, the lingua franca of the continent, the com- 
mercial advantages of acquiring the English tongue 
are far too great not to be appreciated by the shrewd 
citizens of the Republic. 

What type will ultimately issue from this crucible 
of the nations it is yet too early to predict. Into the 
crucible all the nations have cast of their best, and it 
would be a sore disappointment if this vast experiment 
in nation-making did not yield a result commensurate 
with the immensity of the crucible and the richness of 
the material cast therein. 



(60 



The Americanization 
of the World 

Part Two 

The Rest of the World 

Chapter First 

Europe 

If we in England, who from the point of view of 
politics and religion are much more American than we 
are Anglican, contemplate with satisfaction and even 
with enthusiasm the Americanization of the world, 
the process is naturally regarded with very different 
sentiments in other quarters. Even Anglican Eng- 
lishmen can hardly refrain from a certain feeling of 
national pride when they see all the nations of the 
earth subjected to the subtle and penetrating influ- 
ence of ideas which are at least conveyed in English 
speech, and which may in some cases be traced back 
to the days of the English Commonwealth. 

As I^Iacaulay pointed out, even the Cavaliers them- 
selves could hardly refrain from exulting at the 

\6\ 



Europe's Attitude 

thought of the pinnacle of greatness to which the 
armies of the Ironsides and the exploits of Blake and 
his captains raised the reputation of England in the 
days of Cromwell. And so in like manner even those 
Anglican Englishmen who find themselves reduced 
from a position of pre-eminence to that of a minority, 
swept irresistibly forward by the strong democratic 
currents wliich sway the English-speaking world, can- 
not altogether repress a sense of exultant pride that 
the men who have sprung from the loins of the Com- 
monwealth should be so powerfully moulding the 
destinies of the world. The Anglicans are in the 
movement, they are not of it. Nevertheless, after all, 
blood is thicker than water, and the men 

" Who speak the tongue that Shakespeare spake, 
The faith and morals hold which Milton held," 

can never be severed by difference of political alle- 
giance from the common stock of our common race. 

No such consolation, however, is vouchsafed to the 
nations of Europe, who find themselves subjected, 
against their will and without their leave being asked 
or obtained, to the process of Americanization. That 
the process is beneficial, that they will be better for 
the treatment, may be true ; but they do not see it. 
At the same time it is well to discriminate between 
Europe and the Europeans that therein do dwell. To 
the majority of the Europeans the American invasion 
is by no means unwelcome, while a very large section 
would delight to see a much greater Americanization 
of Europe than anything which is likely to take place. 

It is otherwise with the sovereigns and nobles, who 

i62 



Europe's Attitude 

represent feudalism and the Old World monarchical 
and aristocratic ideas which have as their European 
centre the Courts of Berlin and Vienna. In Europe, 
France and Switzerland are already republican. Bel- 
gium, Holland, and the Scandinavian countries, while 
monarchical in form, are republican in essence. The 
Spanish Government may be regarded as a kind of 
annex of the Hapsburgs, while the Italian monarchy 
is a southern buttress of the Austro-German Alliance. 
Russia stands apart, a world in itself, perhaps the most 
democratic country in Europe, consisting as it does 
of one vast congeries of communes, which are little re- 
publics under the supreme direction of a central autoc- 
racy. The Emperor of Russia, however, the mon- 
arch of right divine, solemnly consecrated to be guide 
and governor of his people when crowned at the Krem- 
lin, has, no doubt, many sympathies in common with 
the other sovereigns of Europe ; but the Tsars of 
to-day do not aspire to fill the role of the Tsars at the 
beginning of the Nineteenth Century. In those days 
first Alexander and then Nicholas believed that the de- 
fence of the monarchical principle was one of the most 
sacred of their duties — a conviction to which the Holy 
Alliance gave vigorous expression. The Holy Al- 
liance has long since passed away, leaving behind it 
as its chief result the Monroe Doctrine, the promul- 
gation of which was suggested by Canning to Presi- 
dent Monroe as the most efifective answer to the pre- 
tensions of the allied sovereigns of Central Europe. 
The centre of resistance to American principles in 
Europe lies at Berlin, and the leader against and great 

163 



German Appreciation 

protagonist of Americanization is the Kaiser of Ger- 
many. There is something pathetic in the heroic pose 
of the German Emperor resisting the American flood. 
It is Canute over again, but the Kaiser has not planted 
himself on the shore, passively to wait the rising of 
the tide in order to rebuke the flattery of his courtiers ; 
he takes his stand where land and water meet, and with 
drawn sword defies the advancing tide. And all the 
while the water is percolating through the sand on 
which he is standing, undermining the very foundations 
upon which his feet are planted, so that he himself is 
driven to Americanize, even when he is resisting Amer- 
icanization. 

There are no more Americanized cities in Europe 
than Hamburg and Berlin. They are American in 
the rapidity of their growth, American in their 
nervous energy, American in their quick appropriation 
of the facilities for rapid transport. Americans find 
themselves much more at home, notwithstanding the 
differences of language, in the feverish concentrated 
energy of the life of Hamburg and Berlin than in the 
more staid and conservative cities of Liverpool and 
London. The German manufacturer, the German 
shipbuilder, the German engineer, are quick to seize 
and use the latest American machines. The American 
typewriter is supreme in Germany as in Britain, and 
what is much more important than this, the American 
farmer continues to raise bread and bacon in increasing 
quantities for the German breakfast table. 

Nor is it only in m.aterial things that tlic substance 
of American manufactures enters into the fabric of 
(64 



The Hyphenated American 

modern Germany. The constant flow of German emi- 
gration to the United States of America has created a 
German-American, whose influence upon the relatives 
whom he left behind in the fatherland is somewhat 
analogous to the influence of the Irish-American upon 
the Irish in Ireland. The German-Americans, like 
the Irish-Americans, are passionately patriotic, with a 
dual patriotism. They are intensely Republican ; the 
hyphenated American, as he is called, has shown a 
readiness to shed his blood and sacrifice himself in the 
service of his adopted country equal to that of any 
native born of the States. But at the same time his 
romantic devotion to the country from which he sprang 
is not impaired by his allegiance to the State in which 
he has found a home. But this intense and idealized 
devotion to a motherland is quite compatible, as the ex- 
perience of the Irish shows, with an absolute indiffer- 
ence to and even positive dislike of the political system 
which, for the time being, afflicts the old folks at 
home. The German-American differentiates between 
the Fatherland and the Kaiser, and therein in the eyes 
of the Court commits unpardonable sin. To identify 
the Emperor with the Empire, to render it impossible 
for any German to think of Germany without at the 
same time doing homage to the German Emperor, is 
one of the preoccupations of William II. 

But the German-Americans have escaped beyond the 
glamor of his personality. They are the men of Ger- 
many, but they are not the men of the Kaiser. Their 
influence on the German electorate is an American in- 
fluence, which tells much more in the direction of the 

t65 



Transmutation of Nationality- 
Social Democrats than of the Junker Party, who con- 
stitute the stern men-at-arms of the Prussian Mon- 
archy. It would be an interesting study to investigate 
how far the Social Democratic movement in Germany 
is fed as by secret springs from across the Atlantic. 
The connection is not by any means so obvious as that 
which binds together the Irish-Americans and the Irish 
National League ; but there is a constant movement of 
men and of ideas between the Social Democratic Party 
in Genr.any and the German electorate in the United 
States. 

Against all these influences the Kaiser wages desper- 
ate but unavailing war. In resisting the Americaniza- 
tion of Germ.any, his first aim has naturally been to pre- 
vent the Americanization of the Germans who leave 
Germany. The ceaseless tide of emigration which 
sets westward from German shores flows for the most 
part to New York, the European gate of the American 
Continent. When once the German passes Bartholdi's 
statue of Liberty Enlightening the World, he is lost 
to the German Empire. He may remain a German for 
a generation or two, cherishing his language, cultivat- 
ing the literature of his country, but in ten years his 
children have picked up English, and in fifty years 
nothing but the name and family tradition remain to 
connect them with the Fatherland. Their descendants 
are no more Germans than President Roosevelt is a 
Dutchman. 

To arrest this process of the thorough American- 
ization, appropriation, and from his point of vie^ the 
absolute effacement of German citizens, the Emperor 

166 



Greater Germany 

has sought to deflect the tide of German emigration 
to German colonies which he has acquired, and which 
he has subsidized regardless of expense in various 
parts of the world. But the German who has once 
made up his mind to turn his back upon the home of 
his race, is singularly impervious to the charms of 
Damoraland or the fascinations of German East Africa. 
The Kaiser can export officials where he pleases, but 
the tide of German emigration, like the wind, goeth 
where it listeth. 

A despairing attempt is now being made to turn the 
tide of German emigration from North to South Amer- 
ica. The German Colonial Party imagine that by 
creating great German colonies in Brazil, it may be 
possible to build up a greater Germany in the Southern 
Continent, where the German Empire may preserve 
intact from Americanism millions of German citizens. 
The experiment has not yet been abandoned, but South 
Americans say that the process of Americanization is 
not less speedy in Brazil. The German shows the same 
readiness to adapt himself to his local environment and 
to acquire the language of his adopted country whether 
that environment is English or Portuguese. The only 
result which has so far attended the attempt to deflect 
German emigration to Brazil has been to give a sharper 
edge to the Monroe Doctrine, and to strengthen the 
determination of the Government at Washington to 
build an American navy adequate to enforce the Amer- 
ican veto upon European conquest in the Western 
Hemisphere. 

Compelled to admit failure in his attempt to prevent 

J67 



Goluchowski's Alarm 

the Americanization of Germans outside Germany, the 
Emperor has redoubled his efforts in order to prevent 
the Americanization of Europe. This has been a fixed 
idea with him ever since he came to the throne. On his 
first visit to the Tsar of Russia, he propounded to him 
his favorite thesis, and endeavored to enhst the Tsar's 
support in the holy cause of anti-Americanism. Nich- 
olas II. listened with a sympathetic interest, which is 
natural to him in talking to all men, whether moujiks 
or Kaisers, but he did not see his way to fall in with his 
guest's idea. 

The Kaiser, behind his apparent impulsiveness, is 
tenacious in pursuing his objects. Foiled in his first 
essay to win over the Tsar to a great European com- 
bination to organize the Old World against the New, 
he did not on that account abandon his favorite project. 
The duty of first publicly proclaiming in the hearing 
of the world the doctrine which the Kaiser had privately 
endeavored to impress upon the Tsar fell upon Count 
Goluchowski, the Foreign Secretary of Austria-Hun- 
gary. Addressing the Parliamentary Delegations in 
November, 1897, he pleaded strongly in favor of the 
adoption of a pacific policy in Europe if for no other 
reason than that the very existence of the European 
peoples depended upon their power to defend them- 
selves, fighting shoulder to shoulder, against Trans- 
oceanic competition. He foreshadowed the adoption 
of counteracting measures, which he declared must be 
prompt and thorough in order to protect the vital inter- 
ests of the European nations. Count Goluchowski's 
alarming summons to the Old World excited consider- 

$68 



Germany Dependent 

able discussion, but led to no definite result for some 
years. Meantime the Kaiser continued to look with 
grave misgiving upon the increasing dependency of 
his people upon American foodstuffs. 

In the year 1900 the exports from the United States 
to Germany were larger than those of any other 
country, the figures being in round numbers, from the 
United States $243,000,000; from Great Britain, 
$200,000,000; from Russia, $171,000,000; from Aus- 
tria, $172,000,000; from South America, $115,000,000. 
In 189 1 the United States were third on the list, but in 
ten years she had distanced all competitors, and was 
easily first. 

Germany can no longer feed her population with her 
own foodstuffs — a fact which is of vital importance 
from the point of view of a possible war. In ic^x) she 
had to import close upon 1,000,000 tons of wheat and 
800,000 tons of rye. The population of Germany 
stands now at about 60,000,000. Taking, therefore, 
the staples of life, wheat and rye alone, nine millions 
of Germans would starve unless the insufficient yield 
of German farms were supplemented by the importa- 
tion of foodstuffs, which in the next twelve months it 
is estimated will entail an expenditure of $100,000,000; 
or, in other words, all Germany would be without food 
for fifty-five days in the year but for imports from 
abroad. 

This dependence upon the foreigner, especially 
upon American food, is very distasteful to the 
Kaiser. Of the $1,438,000,000 worth of goods im- 
ported into Germany in the }-ear 1900, $287,000,000 

J69 



An Anglo-German Alliance 

came from Great Britain, $243,000,000 from the United 
States, and $115,000,000 from South America. So 
that very nearly one-half the total imports into Ger- 
many came either from the New World or from the 
British Empire. The dependence of Germany for her 
daily bread on shipments from over-sea contributed 
greatly to strengthen the Kaiser's decision to double 
the German navy. "Our future," he declared, "lies 
upon the sea." The decision to double the strength of 
the German fighting fleet was significantly proclaimed 
in the ears of the world immediately after the three- 
fold defeat of British arms in South Africa had severely 
shaken our prestige. That the new shipbuilding policy 
then announced by Germany was aimed against Great 
Britain was generally recognized abroad ; but when the 
German Emperor visited London shortly afterwards 
he had a very dififerent ex])lanation to give of the in- 
crease of the German fleet. So far from being a 
menace to Great Britain, he is said to have protested, 
he regarded every new ship added to the German navy 
as an addition to the fighting force of the British 
fleet. For, he argued, it was inevitable that the United 
States, sooner or later would endeavor to grasp the 
supreme position on the sea at present held by Great 
Britain. 

When that day came Great Britain would find 
in the German Fleet her most potent ally. The 
nations of the Old World, representing culture and 
civilization, would have to stand shoulder to shoulder 
in resisting the contemplated attack of the new barba- 
rians of the Western World, who, swollen by prosperity 

J 70 



A Royal Interview 

and pride and unweighted by any of the responsibihties 
which enforce caution on other States, would inevitably 
come into collision sooner or later with the present 
Alistress of the Seas. 

Whatever may be said of this pretext, it was an in- 
genious piece of special pleading, and it helped him to 
gloss over the ugly significance of his naval pro- 
gramme. After the departure of the Kaiser from Eng- 
land little was heard of his anti-American views until 
last July, when M. Pierre de Segur was entertained 
by the Kaiser, along with other French tourists, on 
board the HohcnzoUcrn when it was in Norwegian 
waters. 

The interview seems to have been purely accidental. 
M. de Segur and his compagnons de voyage were 
visiting one of the Norwegian fiords when they 
came across the Imperial yacht, Hohenzollern. The 
-Emperor asked them to dine on board, and after 
marshalling his guests, as a Commander-in-Chief 
would marshal an Army Corps, with the voice and 
gestures of an officer on the parade-ground, he entered 
into animated conversation with them, in which he ap- 
pears to have expressed himself with a degree of free- 
dom unwonted even for him. His conversation with 
his French guests, wrote M. de Segur in the Reime de 
Paris, was chiefly about the United States of America. 
He evinces but slight enthusiasm for that country. To 
him there is a menace for the future in the colossal 
Trusts so dear to the Yankee millionaire, which tend 
to place an industry or an international exchange in the 
hands of a single individual or a group of individuals. 



The Kaiser's Opinion 

"Suppose," he said, in substance, "that a Morg^an 
succeeds in combining under his flag several of the 
oceanic Hnes. He does not occupy any official position 
in his country outside of the influence derived from 
liis wealth. It would, therefore, be impossible to treat 
with him if it should happen that an international in- 
cident or a foreign power were involved in his enter- 
prise. And neither would it be possible to have re- 
course to the State, which having no part in the busi- 
ness could decline any responsibility. Then to whom 
could one turn? To obviate this danger the Kaiser 
foresees the necessity of forming a European Cus- 
toms Union against the United States on similar lines 
to the Continental blockade devised by Napoleon 
against England, in order to safeguard the interests 
and assure the freedom of Continental commerce at 
the expense of America's development. And he de- 
clared to us without circumlocution that, in such an 
eventuality, England would be forced to choose the al- 
ternative of two absolutely opposite policies : either to 
adhere to the blockade and place herself on the side 
of Europe against the United States, or else to join the 
latter against the Powers of the Continent." 

So remarkable a declaration, even when published 
in a literary and political organ of the importance of 
the Rcz'ue de Paris, was naturally received with scep- 
ticism, and the Nciv York Herald despatched a com- 
missioner to Berlin to ascertain whether or not the 
German Government was prepared to disclaim, contra- 
dict, or explain away the report of AI. de Segur. The 
American Ambassador in Germany, Dr. Von Holleben, 

J72 



The Voice of Esau 

professed confidence that the German Foreign Office 
could easily explain away the alleged utterances of the 
Kaiser ; but when application was made to the Foreign 
Office, the officials could only say that the matter was 
one entirely personal to the Kaiser. 

A somewhat interesting interview seems to have 
taken place between the representative of the Foreign 
Office and the Herald's commissioner, the latter naively 
remarking that the German official gave him the im- 
pression that he did not grasp the importance of pub- 
lic opinion in the United States, but did deem it im- 
portant to lay down with some emphasis the right of 
Germany to interfere in South American affairs 
should occasion arise. Whenever any of the southern 
republics gave offence to German}^ said the Foreign 
Office official, that country would send her warships 
there to exact justice, and would insist upon her 
right so to act. Being reminded that this was not the 
question under discussion, he answered that the reply 
would probably be forthcoming from higher quarters. 

The answer came in the shape of an official com- 
munication by the German Ambassador on his re- 
turn to Washington when he was authorized to 
declare that "All talk that his Majesty" (the Kaiser) 
"desires to bring the European nations together in a 
challenge of America's progress in the commercial 
world is without foundation. My sovereign/' the Am- 
bassador said, "has the most frank admiration for 
America's progress and the most cordial and friendly 
feelings for the United States. His Majesty has 
shown once more how he appreciates American skill 

J 73 



The American Danger 



t3* 



and workmanship in having a yacht built in the United 
States." Nevertheless what M. de Segur says coin- 
cides too much with what the Emperor is known to 
have proposed to the Tsar, and the general tenor of his 
conversation in this country, for us to have much 
reason to regard the French author's report as in- 
correct. 

The reference to Mr. Morgan and the consolidation 
of industries under the Trust system only indicates 
that the Emperor is keen to snatch at any and every 
development of American enterprise or American am- 
bition in order to emphasize the reality of the Amer- 
ican danger, to insist upon the necessity of concerted 
European action. When he was in London the talk 
was not of offering England the alternative to join in 
the European blockade of the United States, or to be 
herself subjected to the pains and penalties of a finan- 
cial war. When he was here his talk was all about 
the probable attack by the United States upon the 
naval supremacy of Great Britain. But in his con- 
versation upon the HohcnzoUerii he appears to have 
harped back to the idea which he propounded in St. 
Petersburg, and which inspired Count Goluchowski 
with the idea of taking counteracting measures to safe- 
guard the vital interests of European industry. Since 
that time the Germans and Austrians have been busily 
engaged in discussing what measures they ought to 
adopt. 

That something should be done seems to be taken 
for granted. On the 23rd of October, 1901, the 
representatives of industry and agriculture in Austria 
J 74 



A Protective Programme 

held an important meeting, under the benediction of 
the Austrian Government, for the purpose of consider- 
ing the most effective means of averting the danger 
of American competition in ah branches of production. 
Dr. Peetz declared that the United States were aiming 
at universal economic supremacy; that Austria-Hun- 
gary must, therefore, in all circumstances secure the 
home market for native industry and agriculture, v^hile 
maintaining as far as possible the openings for export. 
After a good deal of vigorous oratory, in which Amer- 
ican economic methods were somewhat severely de- 
nounced, a resolution was unanimously adopted which 
contained the following four specific recommenda- 
tion : — "(i.) That there should be a complete revi- 
sion of the Austro-Hungarian Customs tariff on the 
lines laid down by Germany, in order to afford equal, 
effective, and permanent protection to industry and 
agriculture. (2.) That a reciprocity arrangement 
should be substituted for the general application of 
the most-favored-nation clause in future commercial 
treaties. (3.) That while treaties for longer periods 
may be concluded with other countries when they 
afford adequate protection to native production and ex- 
port trade, those with the United States and the Ar- 
gentine Confederation should only be for short terms. 
(4.) That the Central European States should enter 
into an agreement for mutual protection against trans- 
oceanic competition." 

Austria, it was declared by the semi-official Frern- 
denblatt, was the youngest and weakest of the indus- 
trial States, and as such suffered more from Amer- 

J75 



Europe for the Europeans 

ican competition than any of her neighbors. The 
watchword "America for the Americans" must be 
answered by the rallying cry "Europe for the Euro- 
peans," said the Frejndenblatt. "Africa and y\sia con- 
stitute the European reserves, and we shall know how 
to defend ourselves, but we must set about it in time 
and make a beginning." 

In Berlin the German Industrial Union have ex- 
pressed through their Secretary, Dr. Wilhelm \'end- 
landt, their views upon the subject. He declared that 
the time had come for some Bismarck to rise up and 
assemble the nations of Europe and throttle the Amer- 
ican peril. Europe, he argued, could perfectly well 
be independent of the American market. Russia, by 
developing her cotton plantations in the Caucasus, 
had finally liberated the Old World from dependence 
upon the New. "I believe," he declared, "in fight- 
ing America with the same weapons of exclusion 
which America herself has used so remorselessly and 
so successfully. We propose to work for an all 
European Union. The commercial interests of the 
hour are paramount, and a discriminatory alliance of 
all European Powers, including England, will be the 
inevitable result of the American invasion." 

This is all very fine and large, but what does it 
come to? So far it has come to nothing. The self- 
sufficing State which produces everything within its 
own frontiers has become an anachronism in the mod- 
ern world. Chinese walls of prohibitive tariffs are 
futile expedients. No doubt America will find that 
several of the nations of the Old World will follow 

176 



Penalty of Pan-Europeanism 

her example and quote it as ample justification for 
an attempt to discriminate against American goods. 
Nothing can be done before 1903, when the commer- 
cial treaties v/ill come up for revision, and before 
1903 a good many things may happen. But although 
the Governments of the Old World may compel their 
subjects to pay high prices for goods which the Amer- 
icans, if left unhindered, would supply more cheaply, 
they will thereby increase discontent and dissatis- 
faction, which will facilitate the Americanization of 
Europe. For the higher the tariff, the dearer will be 
food. Dear food means misery in the home. Mis- 
ery in the home means discontent in the electorate, 
and discontent in the electorate means the increase 
of the motive force which will seek steadily to revolu- 
tionize the Old World governments on what may 
be more or less accurately described as American 
principles. 

Thus the action of the Kaiser and the Mrs. Parting- 
tons of Vienna is even more futile than the conduct 
of the wise men of Borrodaile, who built a wall across 
the mouth of their pass in the belief that they could 
thereby prevent the cuckoo flying away with the sum- 
mer. Their policy exercised no influence upon the 
procession of the seasons. But the action of the anti- 
American Pan-Europeans will directly accelerate the 
process which they wish to retard. 

Reciprocity, said President McKinley, in the speech 
which he delivered on the day before he was assassina- 
ted, "reciprocity is the natural outcome of the wonder- 
ful industrial development of the United States under 

Ml 



Two Kinds of Reciprocity 

the policy now firmly established. If perchance some 
of our tariffs are no longer needed for revenue, or to 
encourage or protect our industries at home, why 
should they not be employed to extend and promote 
our markets abroad?" Three days previously Mr. 
Roosevelt, then Vice-President, speaking at Minne- 
apolis, declared that through treaty or by direct legis- 
lation it may, at least in certain cases, become advan- 
tageous to supplement our present policy by a system 
of reciprocal benefit and obligation. Now there are 
only two kinds of reciprocity. As the Reciprocity 
Commissioner-General Kasson remarked : "There is 
no novelty in reciprocity. The principle has prevailed 
in human relations since the beginning of intercourse 
among men. Between individuals and among na- 
tions it is an exchange of some right or privilege or 
favor in exchange for some right or privilege or 
favor which the other controls and is willing to grant 
in consideration. It has developed in two ways, reci- 
procity in favors, and reciprocity in burdens and pro- 
hibitions. The former is accomplished by mutual 
agreement in the form of treaties and the latter by 
legislative retaliation." 

The remarkable thing about the present situation 
is that while the trend of opinion in the United States 
is in favor of the adoption of reciprocity in favors, 
the cry on the Continent of Europe is entirely in favor 
of reciprocity by burdens and prohibitions. The chief 
safeguard which has hitherto protected the exporters 
of the United States from exclusive duties on the part 
of the European nations has been the existence of a 

J78 



Europe Scared 

series of commercial treaties containing the most-fa- 
vored-nation clause which expires in 1903. At that 
date the Austrians and the Germans, possibly the 
Italians, with such other of the European nations as 
they can induce to join them, intend to see what can 
be done in protecting their own industries by apply- 
ing a European equivalent of the Dingley tariff to 
American goods. Under these circumstances it is 
evident that it will be somewhat difficult to carry out 
the policy recommended by Mr. McKinley. As Presi- 
dent Roosevelt said, we must remember that in dealing 
with other nations, benefits must be given while bene- 
fits are sought. But if one side offers benefits while 
the other is seeking only to inflict injuries, negotia- 
tions are not likely to progress very rapidly. 

There seems to be no doubt that the American in- 
vasion has somewhat scared Europeans, nor is the 
scare confined to Germany and Austria. When Prince 
Albert of Belgium returned from his American trip 
in 1898 he was said to have exclaimed to an Amer- 
ican friend : "Alas ! you Americans will eat us all up." 
Admiral Canevaro, formerly Italian Foreign Minister, 
speaking at Toulon last April, remarked that "the 
Triple and Dual Alliances taken together had given 
Europe thirty years of peace," and he added that "this 
fact would perhaps lead the European nations to con- 
sider the possibility and the necessity of uniting 
against America, as the future of civilization would 
require them to do." 

There are few publicists so intelligent and so liberal 
as Mr. Paul Leroy-Beaulieu, but he is so far under the 

J79 



Europe Scared 

influence of the menace from the New World as to 
have declared himself specifically in favor of endeav- 
oring to realize a European Zollverein. As Mr. 
Sydney Brooks pointed out in an interesting article 
upon America and Europe, which he contributed to 
the Atlantic Monthly for November, he would not 
abolish customs duties between the different States, 
but only reduce them considerably by clearly define'd 
commercial treaties concluded for a long period. With 
few exceptions, he wrote, the maximum should be 12 
per cent., and a permanent European Customs Union 
should be appointed with the task of providing for 
successive reductions of the duties, and of establish- 
ing the closest possible relations between the Euro- 
pean nations. There can be no doubt, he declared, as 
to the possibility of such an arrangement. It is an 
ill wind that blows nobody any good, and it would be 
a welcome result of the present scare as to the Amer- 
ican invasion if it were to force reluctant and jealous 
nations to take so long a stride in the direction of fed- 
eration. To defend themselves against the United 
States of America these thinkers advocate the crea- 
tion of what, from a fiscal point of view, would be the 
United States of Europe. 

Although the reaction against Americanizing influ- 
ence finds most vigorous expression in Germany and 
Austria, the process of Americanization is going on 
steadily in all the other countries. In all the capitals 
and great cities from the Straits of Gibraltar to 
Archangel, American firms are establishing branches 
and the whole continent is patrolled by American 

)80 



Trade Laws Immutable 

commercial travellers. Berlin, Leipzig, and Dresden 
swarm with American students, while Paris has so 
large an American colony that the Chicago Uni- 
versity is establishing an annex on the banks of the 
Seine. The finance Ministers of Europe are begin- 
ning to recognize more and more the influence of 
American commercial polic}- upon their revenues. 
Quite recently M. de Wi'tte was provoked by a deci- 
sion of the Treasury at Washington about Russian 
sugar to increase the import duties upon American 
iron and steel, and only the other day little Denmark 
was discussing whether or not it would be to her in- 
terest to indulge in a little tariff war with the United 
States. 

The idea of a European solidarity of interest as 
against the United States is a vain dream. What 
difference does it make to the Austrian agriculturist 
whether his goods are undersold by the produce of 
Danish dairies or by the pork that is raised on the 
Western prairies? States that have a common bud- 
get may conceivably find it to their interest to pro- 
tect the interests of their own taxpayers against the 
produce raised in a country which makes no contri- 
bution to their exchequer, but independent competing 
nations which have no common financial interest have 
no motive to discriminate between one foreign com- 
petitor and the other merely because of the difference 
of continent in which they dwell. 

The cheapness and quality of the goods offered are 
the only questions which concern the consumer, and the 
German housewife has not even a sentimental prefer- 

^8^ 



Russian Sympathy 

ence for Russian as against American wheat, merely 
because the Russian is a European and the American 
is not. Sentimental considerations are much more 
likely to tell in favor of the United States than other- 
wise. International jealousies and hatreds due to the 
memories of old wars operate much more against Euro- 
pean rivals than against the United States. Germans 
only need to dip into the German newspapers in 
order to recognize that German sentiment is much 
more hostile to Great Britain, although we are a 
European Power, than to the United States. 

Russia, ever since the Crimean War, has been much 
more in sympathy with the Americans, despite their 
location in the Western Hemisphere, than with the 
British, who have the advantage of occupying the 
same continent as themselves. The relations between 
America and Russia have always been friendly, for 
the Republican section of the English-speaking world 
has never surrendered itself to the frenzy of Russo- 
phobia. M. Khilkoff, the Russian Minister of Ways 
and Communications, who has carried through the 
construction of the transcontinental railway across 
Siberia, served his apprenticeship in the Baldwin 
Locomotive Works in Pennsylvania, and retains, both 
in his personal appearance and in his manner of doing 
business, the impress of his American apprenticeship. 



S82 



The Americanization of 
the World 



Chapter Second 

H The Ottoman Empire 

Three years ago, when I was in Constantinople, 
I excited considerable astonishment by declaring that 
nothing was more probable than that the United 
States might be driven to solve the hitherto insol- 
uble problem of the ownership of Constantinople. The 
facts were simple and the deduction obvious, but 
there is nothing that many people are so slow to rec- 
ognize as the salient facts of a political situation. 

To-day, thanks to the operation of a band of brig- 
ands on the Bulgarian frontier, the eyes of the public 
have been opened, and both in Europe and America 
the man in the street is talking of possibilities in the 
Ottoman Empire which then seemed to lie outside 
the range of practical politics. 

The incident which has produced so sudden an 
awakening was the capture of Miss Stone, an Amer- 
ican missionary. On the 2nd of September, 1901, 
Miss Stone, when on her way from the little town of 
Bansko in Bulgaria to Diumania in Turkey, crossed 

183 



The Abduction of Miss Stone 

the frontier of Bulo-aria into Macedonia when she 
was waylaid by a band of brigands dressed in Turk- 
ish uniforms, with the red fez, and carried off into the 
mountains together with a Bulgarian lady who was 
one of the party. They were kept in captivity in 
order to extort a ransom of £25,000. 

The incident of an American lady being held pris- 
oner in the Macedonian mountains created a great 
stir in the United States. Newspapers took it up, and 
subsequently a subscription was raised to provide the 
money demanded as a ransom. 

The machinery of diplomacy was set in motion, and 
Europe and America found themselves face to face 
with a cjuestion which threatened to involve the United 
States in armed intervention in Turkey. In view of 
such a contingency people began to ask how Miss 
Stone found herself in such a position, and then the 
great Republic of the West for the first time began to 
realize the extent to which the American missions 
had advanced since 1858. 

Their first centre was Adrianople, which lies out- 
side Macedonia. The mission has now three stations 
in Bulgaria. The American church has 1,500 mem- 
bers ; they have churches also at Sofia, the Capital of 
Bulgaria, at Salonica and at Monastir. Altogether 
the Americans have nine missionaries in Bulgaria and 
Macedonia, and seven American lady teachers. In 
Northern Bulgaria the American Methodists have 
eleven American and native missionaries. In Bul- 
garia, the American Board of Missionaries have estab- 
lished three schools, for the higher education of both 
184 



American Influences 

men and women, and one Kindergarten. They have 
organized fifteen churches where services are held 
regularly, besides twelve places of worship, having 
about 1,500 communicants. 

The church at Bansko, from which Miss Stone 
started on the journey which ended so disastrously, 
has 150 members, and the building cost i 1,000. In 
1872 the Americans translated the Bible into Bul- 
garian; they established a printing-press, book-stall 
and a free public reading-room in Sofia ; and they pub- 
lished a weekly newspaper. This propaganda of the 
Americans is not very popular among the Bulgarians, 
who are Greek Orthodox ; but the theological propa- 
ganda is condoned on account of the excellent results 
from it. 

The Russians, of course, dislike it even more than 
the Bulgarian Government ; but here again the Amer- 
ican element intervenes in an unexpected quarter. 
The Russian agent at Sofia, M. Bachmetieff, is mar- 
ried to an American wife, and Mme. Bachmetieff is 
a great personal friend of Miss Stone's, so that al- 
though from a high political point of view M. Bach- 
metieff would be expected to oppose Miss Stone's ac- 
tions, from a domestic point of view the influence of 
Mme. Bachmetieff exercised constantly at home has 
made the Russian agent a very good friend and warm 
supporter of the American missionary. It is indeed 
difficult for any intelligent person not to sympathize 
with the excellent work which the American mission- 
aries are doing in those regions, for the Americans 
have not only done the work themselves, they have 

J85 



American Influences 

stimulated the Bulgarian people to emulate their deeds, 
and to establish similar institutions. 

As Mr. W. E. Curtis sa\'s in the admirable series 
of letters which he has contributed to the Chicago 
Record-Herald, they have laid the foundation of a 
general education system ; they have inspired a tem- 
perance movement ; and wherever their influence ex- 
tends you will find a radical moral and social change 
from the conditions which existed when independence 
was proclaimed twenty-three years ago. 

The most influential woman in Bulgaria, Mrs. W. 
B. Kossuroth, was a pupil of Miss Stone's. She is the 
first woman who ventured to carry on business on her 
own account. She was educated according to Amer- 
ican ideas, and after the death of her husband, she 
took charge of the business he had left. Mrs. Po- 
poff, the wife of the pastor of the Protestant church at 
Sofia, was educated at an Ohio seminary. 

Hence it was not at all surprising that Miss Stone 
should have sallied forth at the head of a party of 
village students, among whom were three young Bul- 
garian women whom she was going to place in charge 
of schools in Macedonia. The brigands, who assumed 
Turkish costume to avoid suspicion, are declared to 
have been Bulgarian brigands, belonging to the Mace- 
donian insurrectionary movement. They did not 
molest the women teachers, but they carried off both 
Miss Stone and Mrs. Tsilka, whom they held for 
ransom. 

The immediate result of this outrage was that the 
attention of the Americans was aroused. Negotia- 

iZ6 



The Blight of the Turk 

tions were at once begun, in v.^hich menaces and 
bribes alike failed to secure the immediate relief of 
the captives. 

October and November were consumed in abortive 
attempts to secure the release of Miss Stone and her 
companion. At the beginning of December it was 
reported that Miss Stone had died in the hands of her 
captors, but this proved to be only a rumor. 

The incident naturally directed American public 
opinion to the state of the Balkan Peninsula. It famil- 
iarized the citizens of the United States with the per- 
manent condition of the Turkish provinces, and it re- 
minded the world of one of the worst crimes per- 
petrated by European diplomacy. The cry of the men 
of Macedonia, "Come over and help us !" met with no 
response from the British Government of 1878. The 
Russians had helped them. By the treaty of San Ste- 
fano the whole of what is known as "Big Bulgaria," 
from the Danube to the yEgean, was liberated from 
the blighting despotism of the Turks. 

At the Berlin Congress, at tlie instance of Britain 
and Austria, Macedonia was cut off from free Bul- 
garia and thrust back into slavery to enjoy the un- 
covenanted mercies of the Turk. Of all the crimes 
perpetrated at the Berlin Congress, this was the worst. 
A sop was given to the conscience of Europe by in- 
serting Article 23 into the treaty of Berlin, to secure 
to the populations of Macedonia and other Balkan 
provinces the right of self-government. 

Unfortunately, as usually happens in such cases, the 
article remained a dead letter. The European Powers 

J87 



Possible Entanglement 

agreed what ought to be done, and even went so far as 
to draw up an organic constitution for the govern- 
ment of Macedonia, but nothing effective was done to 
carry out the provisions of the Treaty. 

What the results of the capture of the American 
lady missionary will be it is impossible to predict. 
Miss Stone may be liberated, or, on the other hand, 
she may be sacrificed, owing to the alarm excited in 
the minds of her captors at being punished for their 
crime. In either case the Americans will be com- 
pelled sooner or later to take the matter up seriously. 

If the brigands get their money, the profit that they 
have made upon this transaction will encourage them 
to develop and extend the kidnapping business. More 
American missionaries will be caught, and held pris- 
oners to be ransomed, and thus the American Govern- 
ment may be forced to take action. If, on the other 
hand. Miss Stone is killed, the Macedonian question 
will at once be raised — who can say with what con- 
sequences? 

It is not necessary in this survey of the American- 
ization of the world to speculate further upon the part 
which the citizens of the United States have played in 
the recent history of the Ottoman Empire. I described 
this at some length in the book which I wrote in 1899, 
entitled "The United States of Europe." I take the 
liberty, however, of reproducing here its salient 
passages. 

Thirty years ago a couple of Americans, Christian 
men, with heads on their shoulders, settled in Turkey, 
and set about teaching on American methods the ris- 

(88 



American Education 

ing youth of the East in an institution called the 
Robert College. They have never from that day to 
this had at their command a greater income than 
$30,000 or $40,000 a year. They have insisted that 
every student within their walls shall be thoroughly 
trained on the American principles, which, since they 
were imported by the men of the Mayflower, have 
well-nigh made the tour of the world. That was their 
line, and they have stuck to 'it now for thirty years. 

With what result? That American College is to- 
day the chief hope of the future of the millions who in- 
habit the Sultan's dominions. They have 200 students 
in the college to-dav, but they have trained and sent 
out into the world thousands of bright, brainy young 
fellows, who have carried the leaven of the Ameri- 
can town meeting into all provinces of the Ottoman 

Empire. 

The one great thing done in the making of States m 
the last quarter of the century was the creation of the 
Bulgarian Principality. But the Bulgarian Princi- 
pality, the resurrection of the Bulgarian nationality, 
although materially achieved by the sword of the liber- 
ating and avenging hordes of Russia, was due 
primarily to the Robert College. It was the Ameri- 
cans who sowed the seed. It was the men of Robert 
College who took into Bulgaria the glad news of a 
good time coming when Bulgaria would be free. 

And when the Russian Army of liberation returned 
home after the peace was signed it passed down the 
Bosphorus, and as each huge transport, crowded with 
the war-worn veterans of the Balkan battlefields, 

iZ9 



The Robert College 

steamed past the picturesque Crag of Roumeli Hissar, 
on which the Robert College sits enthroned, the troops 
one and all did homage to the institution which had 
made Bulgaria possible, by cheering lustily and caus- 
ing the military bands to play American airs. It was 
the tribute of the artificers in blood and iron to the 
architects on whose designs they had builded the Bul- 
garian State. 

But the influence of the American College did not 
stop there. When the Constitutional Assembly met 
at Tirnova to frame the constitution for the new-born 
State, it was the Robert College graduates who suc- 
ceeded in giving the new constitution its extreme demo- 
cratic character ; and when, after the Russians left, the 
Bulgarians began to do their own governing, it was 
again the American-trained men who displayed the 
spirit of independence which baffled and angered the 
Russian generals. 

From that time to now — when I visited Sofia one 
Robert College man was Prime Minister of Bulgaria 
and another was Bulgarian Minister at Constan- 
tinople, while a third, one of the ablest of them, was 
Bvilgarian Minister at Athens — the Robert College has 
been a nursery for Bulgarian statesmen. So marked 
indeed has been the influence of this one institution, 
there are some who say that of all the results of the 
Crimean War nothing was of such permanent im- 
portance as the one fact that it attracted to Constan- 
tinople a plain American citizen from New York. 

The influence of the United States in the East is by 
no means confined to Robert College. There are other 

t90 



The American Dominant 

institutions founded by Americans at Constantinople 
which are working quite as well as the Robert College ; 
but as they educate girls instead of boys, they will not 
make their political influence felt until the sons of the 
students come to man's estate. But it is not only at 
Constantinople Americans are at work. They are at 
the present moment almost the only people who are 
doing any good for humanity in Asiatic Turkey. 

How many American citizens are aware, I wonder, 
that from the slopes of Mount Ararat all the way to 
the shores of the blue ^gean Sea American mission- 
aries have scattered broadcast over all the distressful 
land the seeds of American principles ? The Russians 
know it, and regard the fact with anything but com- 
placency. When General Mossouloff, the director of 
the foreign faiths within the Russian Empire, visited 
Etchmiadzin, in the confines of Turkish Armenia, the 
Armenian patriarch spread before him a map of Asia 
Minor which was marked all over with American col- 
leges, American churches, American schools and Amer- 
ican missions. They are busy everywhere, begetting 
new life in these Asiatic races. They stick to their 
Bible and their spelling-book, but every year an in- 
creasing number of Armenians and other Orientals 
issue from the American schools familiar with the 
principles of the Declaration of Independence and the 
fundamental doctrines of the American constitution. 
And so the leaven is spreading throughout the whole 
land. 

Of course, such new wine could not be poured into 
the very old bottles of the Turkish provinces without 

J9J 



In Letters of Blood 

making itself felt. The Armenians, a thrifty and studi- 
ous race, soon became "swell-headed." What Bulga- 
rians had done they thought Armenians could do. As 
the Robert College men had created an independent Bul- 
garia, they, in turn, would show that they could create 
an independent Armenia. So they set to work ; but, 
alas ! though they did their part of the work bravely 
enough, Russia, this time, was in no mood to come to 
their rescue. So the Sultan fell upon them in his 
wrath and delivered them over to the Bashi-Bazouk 
and the Kurd. What followed is written in letters of 
blood and fire across the recent history of the East. 

But the end is not yet. The American missionaries, 
who took no part in the abortive insurrection, were 
not as a rule much molested. They are working on, 
teaching, preaching, sowing the seed day by day, creat- 
ing the forces which will in time overturn the Turkish 
Government and regenerate Armenia. The Turk 
knows it, and is longing for the time when he may have 
it out with the giaour from beyond the sea. But be- 
hind the American missionary stands the British con- 
sul, and the Sultan fears to give the signal for ex- 
tirpation. 

Long ago, when I was a boy, I remember being 
much impressed with a passage in Cobden's political 
writings, in which, after describing the desolation that 
prevailed in the Garden of the East owing to the blight- 
ing despotism of the Turks, he asked whether it would 
not be enormously for the benefit of the world in gen- 
eral, and of British trade in particular, if the whole of 
the region now blighted by the presence of the Turk 

J92 



A Dream Coming True 

could be handed over to an American syndicate or 
company of New England merchants, who would be 
entrusted with the administration of the country, with 
instructions to run it on business principles. 

"Who can doubt," said the great free-trader, "that if 
such an arrangement could be made, before long the 
desert would blossom as a rose ? Great centres of busy 
industry would arise in territories that were at one 
time the granary and treasury of the world." This 
beatific vision of Manchester-dom has never ceased to 
haunt my memory. But until recent times, I have 
never seen how this excellent American syndicate was 
to get Turkey into its pocket. Gradually, however, 
with the decay of Turkish authority, with the expan- 
sion of American ambitions, and above all, with the 
development of the American fleet, Cobden's dream 
seems to me to be in a fair way of being realized. 

It seems to me the most natural thing in the world 
that some fine day there will be one of those savage 
outbreaks of religious or imperial fanaticism which 
will lead some unhanged rufiian who has been deco- 
rated by the Sultan, or some Kurdish chief to take it 
into his head to avenge the wrongs of Islam on the 
nearest American mission station. He will sweep 
down at the head of his troops upon a school or manse. 
The building will be given to the flames, the Amer- 
ican missionary will be flung into the burning build- 
ing to perish in the fire, while his wife and daughters 
will be carried off to the harem of some pasha. 

Nothing could be more natural or more in accord- 
ance with the ordinary practice in these savage regions. 

J93 



A Portentous Possibility 

There is no available force to defend the American 
settlers from their assailants. In these remote dis- 
tricts it is often possible to conceal a crime for months 
by the very completeness with which the victims have 
been extirpated. But, of course, after a time, whether 
it be weeks or whether it be months, the fate of that 
mission station would be known. 

The story of the great massacre, when the mission- 
ary was burned alive in his own flaming school-house, 
would leak out, and then, in the natural course of 
things, some enterprising newspaper man would make 
his way to the scene of the outrage, would verify the 
facts, would ascertain the whereabouts of the unfor- 
tunate American women, and possibly return to the 
outside world bearing with him a pathetic and urgent 
appeal from the captives, for rescue from the Turkish 
harem. 

This outrage, after all, is nothing more than the 
kind of thing to which the Christian races of the East 
have had to submit from generation to generation. 
The victims have been as white, as Christian, and as 
wretched as those whose imaginary doom at the hands 
of the Turk or Kurd I have been describing. But in 
the latter case the girls, with their devoted mother, 
who may be subjected to the worst outrage at the 
hands of their captors, would differ from the Ar- 
menians in that they speak English. That one differ- 
ence would be vital. On the day on which that smart 
newspaper man wrote out his story of the fate of those 
American women — wrote it out in vivid characters, 
bright and clear before the eyes of the whole English- 
J94 



Death-Knell of the Turk 

speaking race— the doom of the Ottoman Empire 
would be sealed. 

There are eighty millions of human beings in the 
United States, most of whom speak English, and each 
one of whom would feel that the imprisoned women 
were even as his own sisters. On the day on which 
the news of their incarceration and outrage reached 
the Christian Republic of the West, the whole of the 
eighty millions who inhabit the invulnerable fortress 
which Nature has established between the fosses of the 
Atlantic and the Pacific would start to their feet as one 
man, and from the whole continent would rise but one 
question and one imperative command. 

The question would be: "Where is Dewey? Where 
is Sampson? Where are our invincible ironclads, 
which in two battles swept the flag of Spain from the 
seas? Why are our great captains roosting round 
upon their battleships, while such horrors are inflicted 
upon women from America?" And after that inquiry 
would come quick and sharp the imperious mandate: 
"To the Dardanelles ! To the Dardanelles !" 

In three weeks the commanders who shattered the 
Spanish fleet at Manila, and drove the ironclads of 
Admiral Cervera in blazing ruin upon the coast of 
Cuba, would appear off the Dardanelles to exact in- 
stant and condign punishment for the outrage m- 
flicted upon American women. 

Nor would they stop at the Dardanelles. The Stars 
and Stripes would soon fly over the waters of the Sea 
of Marmora, and the thunder of the American guns 
would sound the death-knell of the Ottoman dynasty. 

J95 



The Flag Over Constantinople 

No power on earth would be able to arrest the advance 
of the American ships, nor, indeed, is there any Power 
in Europe that would even attempt to do so. The 
patience of Christendom has long been almost worn 
out, and Europe would probably maintain an expec- 
tant attitude while the deathblow was struck at the 
crumbling relics of the Ottoman Power, 

When the Sultan had fled from Stamboul, leaving 
his capital to the violence of the mob, the Americans, 
to save Constantinople from the fate of Alexandria, 
would be compelled to occupy the city of Constantine, 
and, as our experience has long shown, it is much 
easier to occupy than it is to evacuate. Every day that 
the Stars and Stripes floated over the gates of the 
Euxine would tend to familiarize Europe with the idea 
that, of all possible solutions, the indefinite occupa- 
tion of Constantinople by the Americans might be 
open to fewer objections than any other conceivable 
solution. Thus, at any moment, owing to what may 
be regarded as a normal incident in the methods of 
Ottoman misrule, Cobden's dream might be fulfilled, 
and the great Republic of the West become the agent 
for restoring prosperity and peace to the desolated 
East. 

To this vision of things to come I have little to add 
to-day. But I may remind English readers who know 
little or nothing concerning the extent to which the 
Americans have entered the missionary field that there 
are more communicants in connection with the churches 
founded by the American missionaries than there are 
in connection wdth the churches founded by missiona- 

\96 



English-Speaking Missionaries 

ries sent out by the United Kingdom. The Americans 
are behind us in the total amount of money raised 
every year, but they have more communicants and 
more native adherents and more Sunday-schools. The 
figures extracted from the report of the (Ecumenical 
Conference of Missionaries held in New York two or 
three years ago are very striking. They are as 
follows : — 

SiAriSTics OF American and English Societies Directly 

ENGAGED IN CONDUCTING FOREIGN MISSIONS. 

United United 

States. Kingdom. 

Number of Societies 49 54 

Income Total $5,403,048 $8,266,374 

Ordained Missionaries 1352 1984 

T-,, . . I Women 160 205 

Physicians j-j^^^ ,^4 74 

Lay Missionaries, not Physicians 

(Men) 109 765 

Married Women, not Physicians 1274 1148 

Unmarried Women, not Physicians . . 1006 1668 

Total of Foreign Missionaries 41 10 5937 

Ordained Natives I57.S 1729 

Unordained Native Workers 15,013 29,779 

Total of Native Helpers 16,605 3i.740 

Stations 732i 15-576 

Organized Churches 4107 Sioo 

Communicants 421,597 326,979 

Sunday Schools 7231 38l7 

Sunday School Membership 344,385 213.935 

Native Contributions $628,717 $797,355 

Native Christians, including Non-Com- 
municants 1,257,425 1,204,033 

The missionaries of the English-speaking world ex- 
ceed in number those of all the other Protestant na- 
tions put together. They can only be compared with 

i97 



The Americans in Africa 

those who are sent out by the Church of Rome. The 
parallel and contrast between the English-speaking 
race and the Church of Rome is of world-wide interest 
and very suggestive, for, to use Mr. Gladstone's phrase, 
our race "may almost claim to constitute a kind of uni- 
versal Church in politics." 

On the continent of Africa the Americans have as 
yet hardly laid their hand. They have had their 
share in punitive expeditions against the Moslem on 
the north coast. They originated the colony of freed 
negroes on the west coast which subsequently developed 
into the Republic of Liberia. An American consul 
in Egypt by sheer blufif secured for the United States 
a place among the Powers charged with the control of 
the International Tribunals. The Methodist Epis- 
copalians of the United States have created the whole 
African continent into one vast bishopric and placed 
it under Bishop Hartzell. Here and there all over the 
continent American missionaries are to be found labor- 
ing for the conversion of the heathen. But the Amer- 
icans are only pecking at Africa as yet. Not until 
Booker Washington and his like create an educated 
race of American blacks will the Americanization of 
Africa really begin. 



J98 



The Americanization of 
the World 



Chapter Third 

Asia 

The Americans are changing so many of the cur- 
rently accepted ideas of the other peoples, that an 
Englishman may be pardoned a certain degree of sat- 
isfaction when he finds that in one very important 
matter the Americans have adopted English ideas. 
Until quite recently the Americans as a whole were 
under the influence of the ancient fallacy which domi- 
nated the mind of Mr. Gladstone, — that the sea was 
still a divider and not a uniter of nations. 

A State across which you could walk from end to 
end, without any need of taking ship when passing 
from province to province, was held by them to be 
something altogether superior to a State whose high- 
ways were the oceans. The very existence of the 
British Empire was due to the fact that this doctrine 
was fallacious, but Mr. Gladstone to the end of his 
life never succeeded in emancipating himself from its 
influence. 

The Americans have only just begun to realize that 
they also may hope to adopt the proud boast of their 

J99 



Across the Pacific 

British forefathers, and to declare that the frontiers of 
the United States extend to the coastline of her enemies 
and rivals. Once having abandoned their old position, 
they seem to be animated by the proverbial zeal of the 
new disciple ; and from shrmking nervously from wet- 
ting their feet in the Gulf of Mexico, they have now 
boldly plunged across the wide Pacific, and have estab- 
lished themselves off the Asiatic coast. 

Their advance across that ocean has been very rapid. 
It began without any notion on the part of the Amer- 
ican people of what was going to happen. The mis- 
sionaries were unintentionally the pioneers of trade and 
then of political dominion, The process was uniform. 
The missionaries in the Sandwich Islands and Samoa 
labored to teach the native population the blessings of 
Christianity ; then came the trader, who introduced 
them to the blessings of commerce, and after the trader 
came the administrators, who hoisted the Stars and 
Stripes, and conferred upon the islanders the blessings 
of being allowed to stand on the threshold of the 
American Constitution without being permitted to cross 
the portals. 

Hawaii was annexed in 1898. The first treaty with 
Samoa was made in 1872, when the port of Pago- 
Pago was acquired as a coaling-station for steamers 
trading between San Francisco and Australia. The 
treaty was not ratified until 1878. At the end of 
1899 Great Britain retired from Samoa, which was 
left to be divided between Germany and the United 
States; and on the 17th of April, 1900, the Stars and 
Stripes went up over the island of Tutuila. At Pearl 

200 



Across the Pacific 

Harbor in Hawaii, and Pago-Pago in Samoa, the 
Americans had planted sea-castles in the mid-Pacific, 
as bases for their advances upon Asia. 

The event which converted the American Republic 
into an Asiatic Power was an unforeseen consequence 
of the war undertaken for the liberation of Cuba. The 
necessity for destroying the Spanish fleet at Manila, 
which otherwise would have been free to prey upon 
American shipping, placed the Americans in command 
of the greatest commercial city in Southeastern Asia 
at Manila. 

It is one of the invariable consequences of war that 
the passions excited by the combat arouse appetites 
which can only be satisfied by the annexation of con- 
quered territory. Mr. Roosevelt may have foreseen 
the annexation of the Philippines when, in 1897, as 
Assistant Secretary of the Navy, he prepared in ad- 
vance for the attack upon the Spanish fleet; but it 
is doubtful whether even he realized the avidity with 
which the American people, elated by the easy victory 
of Admiral Dewey, would fling themselves upon their 

"At any rate we have got the Phihppmes, exult- 
antly exclaimed an American citizen in London. 

"I beg your pardon," I replied, "it is not so." 

"Do you mean to say we have not got the Philip- 
pines?" he asked. 

"Certainly," I answered. "You have not got the 
Philippines; it is the Philippines who have got you." 

And everything that has happened since then has 
justified the remark. A naval action of a few hours 

20J 



The Philippines 

destroyed the Spanish fleet, and laid Manila prostrate 
at the feet of her conquerors ; but three years of in- 
termittent warfare waged by land and sea have not 
yet induced the Filipinos to recognize the brotherly 
love and benevolent intentions of the invaders. Agui- 
naldohas been captured, but the Philippines still require 
the maintenance of an American army almost as large 
as the number of white soldiers by which Britain main- 
tains her sovereignty over the 300,000,000 natives of 
India. Nor does there as yet seem any prospect of a 
material diminution of the burden. 

But American influence in the Philippines seems 
likely to be less important than the influence of the 
Philippines in the United States. The acquisition of 
these tropical islands suddenly dazzled a large section 
of the American public with visions of the civilizing 
sovereignty and beneficent dominion with which, in 
this country, we have long been familiar. Dewey's 
victory started the United States upon the career of 
Asiatic conquest. Whether she will persist in it or 
not remains to be seen ; but there is no doubt that the 
annexation inoculated the United States with that fev- 
erish spirit of Imperialism which ministers subtly to 
the national pride, at the very moment that it offers a 
soothing salve to the national conscience. 

The discussion of this subject, however, would lead 
us away from the question of the Americanization of 
the world, to that of the Philippinization of the United 
Slates. The necessity for justifying the conquest of 
the Philippines — a task imposed upon them as an un- 
expected corollary of a naval engagement — led some 
202 



Intoxicating Imperialism 

Americans to grasp greedily at all the arguments by 
which for many generations past the British Jingo iiab 
justified that war for markets which Sir Edward Clarke 
stigmatized as ''murder for profit." 

At the same time, "The White Man's Burden," that 
swan song of the expiring genius of Mr. Kipling, sup- 
plied an anodyne to the uneasy conscience of men who 
were keen to persuade themselves that, while appar- 
ently following in the footsteps of predatory Empires, 
they were in reality humbly accepting onerous duties 
imposed upon them as instruments of Divine Provi- 
dence. The boundless possibilities of the dominion of 
the Pacific, and the opening up of Asia, stimulated 
American oratory, and the glowing periods of the 
orator swelled the heads of his audience with radiant 
visions of the regenerated East resulting from the 
establishment of the benign sovereignty of the Amer- 
ican Republic at the gate of Asia. 

After the annexation of the Philippines the cutting 
of the Isthmian Canal seemed to most Americans to 
be a foregone conclusion. While contemplating the 
possibilities of the future, Senator Beveridge let him- 
self go in opening the Republican campaign in Chi- 
cago on the 25th of September, 1900, in the following 
characteristic outburst : — 

"When an English ship, laden with English goods, 
bound for the Orient, sails westward, her first sight 
of land will be Porto Rico — and Cuba, also, as I hope 
— with the Stars and Stripes above them. As it 
passes through the wedded waters of the Isthmian sea, 
still the Stars and Stripes above them. Half way 

203 



Some Commercial Geography 

across that great American ocean, known as the 
Pacific, the first port of call and exchange will be the 
Islands of Hawaii, with the Stars and Stripes above 
them. And further west, as the land of sunrise and 
sunset lifts before the eyes of the crew of that mer- 
chantman, they will behold glowing in the heavens 
of the east still again, and still forever, those Stars 
and Stripes of glory. And if that ship set sail from 
Australia for Japan, it must stop and trade in ports of 
that greatest commercial stronghold in the world, the 
Philippine Islands, with the Stars and Stripes above 
each one of them. 

"Lay a ruler on the world's map and you will find 
that the most convenient ocean highways to the mar- 
kets of the Orient or to the markets of the south 
are dominated by American possessions — by Porto 
Rico, by the canal, by Hawaii, by the Philippines, ours 
now, and ours forever — aye, and, through the choice 
of her own people, by Cuba too, ours in the future, 
and when once ours, then ours forever, with the Stars 
and Stripes above them." 

Having thus established themselves in the Philip- 
pines, it was necessary for the Americans to discover 
what immense use could be made of their new posses- 
sion. Senator Beveridge was careful to point out that 
they were next-door neighbor to all Asia ; they were 
nearer to India than St. Louis is to New York, to China 
than St. Louis is to San Francisco. They were the 
stepping-stone to the most sought-for market in the 
world. There were 300,000,000 consumers in India, to 
which the Philippines gave us almost equal access with 

204 



Croker's Policy 

England herself. To China with her 400,000,000 con- 
sumers the Philippines gave us quicker access than even 
Japan has to Australia, and all Oceania, to which again 
the Philippines give us easier access than England 
herself. 

This pocket argument was reinforced by the cus- 
tomary appeal to the sacred obligations of duty to the 
unfortunate Filipinos. Again to quote Senator 
Beveridge : — 

"When Circumstance has raised our flag above them, 
we dare not turn these misguided children over to 
destruction by themselves or spoliation by others, and 
then make answer when the God of nations requires 
them at our hands, 'Am I my brother's keeper?' " 

And so it came to pass that the United States within 
a few months of having recoiled with horror from any 
suggestion of over-sea dominion, declared in the im- 
mortal words of Mr. Croker : — 

"I am in favor of holding on to all that we have 
got, and reaching out for more." 

To us in the Old World the phenomenon is too 
familiar to excite more than a passing comment. But 
when we hear the old familiar arguments pronounced 
with an American accent, it reminds us how much of 
the old Adam has survived in the New World. 

The Americans having thus become, almost against 
their will at first, but afterwards by their deliberate 
choice, an Asiatic conquering Power, were compelled 
to confront and discuss international questions of the 
first magnitude, and, primarily, the one great question 
which confronts all in the East, namely, what should 

205 



The Open Door 

be their attitude in relation to Russia? The schism 
which tore the EngHsh-speaking world in twain had 
its advantages as well as its disadvantages, and one of 
those advantages was that it left the Republican sec- 
tion of the English-speaking world immune to the 
ravages of Russophobia. 

The Russians, the only European race equalling in 
numbers the English-speakers of the world, have al- 
ways been in as friendly relations with the Americans 
as they have been at cross-purposes with the British. 
When the American Republic, newly planted on 
Asiatic soil, had to reconsider its traditional policy in 
relation to Russia, it was a fateful moment in the 
history of the race. Tempters were not wanting to 
tell Mr. McKinley and Mr. Hay that they should 
modify their traditional policy in relation to Russia 
by taking up a position more or less akin to that of 
Great Britain. The old saying about blood being 
thicker than water, which was first coined in the fight 
on the Peiho, seemed capable of a new application, and 
there were not wanting those who believed that an 
Anglo-American alliance with an anti-Russian objec- 
tive was close at hand. 

Fortunately the world was saved from this disaster 
by the good sense of the Americans. Mr. Hay seemed 
to waver for a moment, but finally he maintained his 
equilibrium, and the Americans adopted a policy in 
China which brought them into harmonious relations 
with all the Powers, without committing them to 
antagonism to Russia. Equally with Great Britain 
America advocates the policy of the open door, de- 

206 



The Integrity of China 

manding only a fair field and no favor in the inter- 
national competition for the Chinese market. j^.u. 
whenever British statesmen talk about "open doors," 
there is always the suggestion of menace directed 
against Russia. The United States is more likely to 
keep the door open by adopting a different policy and 
by being equally ready to co-operate with Russia or 
with any other Power, so long as the main objects of 
their policy are identical with her own. 

The United States were fortunate in having, during 
the critical period when the fateful decision was taken, 
a Chinese Minister at Washington who had assimi- 
lated American ideas so perfectly that he became for 
the time being a veritable force in American politics. 
In all America no one was more Americanized than 
Wu. Whether he was driving his automobile about 
the streets of Washington, or lecturing in Chicago, 
or contributing to the North American Reviezv, he 
showed himself thoroughly up-to-date and capable of 
employing all the resources of Western civilization for 
the purpose of furthering the interests of the great 
empire of the East. He assisted in forming a strong 
public sentiment in favor of the maintenance of the 
integrity of the Chinese Empire, and made a gallant 
and^nsuccessful struggle against the race prejudice 
which led the Americans hermetically to seal their 
doors against Chinese emigration at the very time 
when they were insisting upon the maintenance of the 
open door in China. 

Although the United States adopted the sound policy 
of co-operation with Russia and the other Powers in 

207 



The Opening Wedge 

maintaining the territorial integrity of the Chinese 
Empire, on condition that that great market was 
thrown open to all comers on equal terms, the growth 
of her trade in China led her to reconsider her refusal 
to accept a concession of land offered her some time 
ago by the Chinese Government at Tientsin. Since 
then the imports brought into Tientsin from America 
have exceeded those from Great Britain, and the im- 
ports of American petroleum have exceeded those 
from Russia. In view of the increase of trade the 
American Minister, Mr. Conger, has received instruc- 
tions to ask the Chinese Government to grant a con- 
cession of land at Tientsin, where the American trad- 
ers may establish an American municipality. 

This, however, in no way implies that the United 
States contemplates any fishing in the troubled waters 
of "spheres of influence," and the like. They played 
their part in the defence of the Legations, and the 
American troops were among the best behaved of 
those despatched for the relief of the beleaguered 
residency in Pekin. One of the unfortunate con- 
sequences of the war was that it tended somewhat 
to discredit the American missionaries, who, if the tes- 
timony collected by Mark Twain may be acceprteri, 
showed tendencies in dealing with the Person Sitting 
in Darkness that savored more of the severity of the 
Mosaic dispensation than of the sweet reasonableness 
and merciful forgiveness inculcated by the founder of 
their creed. In this respect, however, the American 
missionaries resembled most of their cloth, whether 
Protestant or Catholic, and they share the responsi- 

205 



Awakening of Japan 

bility of having contributed to the moral bankruptcy 
of Christendom in China. 

One of the most remarkable instances of the ex- 
ercise of American influence, the far-reaching conse- 
quences of which are absohitely incalculable is that of 
the awakening of Japan, one of the greatest achieve- 
ments of the nineteenth century. That awakening 
was largely due to the action of the American Govern- 
ment. Baron Kantero Kaneko, President of the 
America's Friends Society of Japan, in 1901, reared a 
monument to commemorate the fact on the forty-ninth 
anniversary of the arrival of Commodore Perry of the 
United States Navy, who was sent to Japan for the 
purpose of concluding a treaty of commerce and 
friendly intercourse between the two nations. 

Until that time Japan had been hermetically sealed 
to Western civilization. Dutch and British envoys 
had in vain attempted to induce the Japanese Govern- 
ment to open the country to foreign trade, but it was 
not until 1853, when Commodore Perry arrived as the 
emissary of the Government of President Fillmore, 
that the Japanese were induced to abandon their policy 
of exclusion and embark upon that career of revolu- 
tionary reform which has carried them so far. Baron 
Kantero Kaneko, in the circular inviting subscriptions 
to the monument, said : — 

"True, Japan has not forgotten— nor will she ever forget 
—that next to her reigning and most beloved Sovereign whose 
high virtues and great wisdom are above all praise, she owes 
in no small degree her present prosperity to the United 
States of America in that the latter rendered her great and 
lasting service. . . . After the lapse of these forty-eight 

209 



Awakening of Japan 



years her people have, however, come to entertain but an 
uncertain memory of Kurihama, and yet it was there that 
Commodore Perry first trod on the soil of Japan, and for the 
first time awoke the country from a slumberous seclusion of 
centuries — there it was where first gleamed the light that has 
ever since illumined Japan's way in her new career of prog- 
ress." 



A year after Perry's visit, in spite of the strong op- 
position of the Barons, and without waiting for the 
sanction of the Emperor, the Regency concluded a 
treaty of commerce which opened the ports of Japan 
to American trade. Similar conventions were after- 
wards signed with Russia, France, Holland, and Eng- 
land. It was not, however, until fourteen years later 
that this important step bore its final fruit in the revo- 
lution which has placed Japan in the forefront of the 
most progressive nations of the world. 

In the period that intervened between 1854 and 
1868 the American Government, together with Eng- 
land, Holland and France, bombarded Shimonoseki. 
After the town was destroyed, an indemnity of :£750.- 
000 was exacted from Japan and divided among the 
Powers. The United States Congress many years 
afterwards authorized the President to return to Japan 
the sum of £137,000, which was in excess of the ex- 
penditures actually incurred. This is an almost 
unique instance, possibly quite unique, in which any 
civilized Government having exacted an indemnity 
in excess of damage done, made restitution of the sur- 
plus. If all the civilized Powers had been equally 
honest in their dealings with Asiatic races, much 
bloodshed might have been avoided. 
2J0 



Corea, Burma and India 

The influence of America upon Japan has not, how- 
ever, alwaj's been an influence for good. The career 
of Mr. Hashi Toru, who was assassinated in 1901, 
showed that the vices as well as the virtues are ex- 
portable from the United States. Mr. Hashi Toru 
was a man of undoubted ability, who, during his so- 
journ in Washington, where he was attached to the 
Japanese Legation, was much impressed by the power 
and wealth which the Boss system of American pol- 
itics placed at the disposal of the Boss. He went 
back to Japan, and in no long time had established 
himself as the Croker of the Japanese capital. His 
power was so firmly established that the Reformer Iba 
Sotaro, despairing of ridding Japan of this American 
importation in any other way, slew Hashi Toru, in 
full light of day, and then surrendered himself to 
the authorities. Whether Bossism will revive in a 
land where the assassination of the Boss ranks as an 
act of patriotism, remains to be seen. 

The kingdom of Corea is another field which offers 
promising openings to the American capitalist and the 
American adventurer. Already the concessionaire is 
busy, and sooner or later we shall find American in- 
fluence potent and possibly supreme in the hermit king- 
dom. The American trolley has already invaded the 
capital, and with the trolley come many other Ameri- 
can notions which are likely to have considerable in- 
fluence in deciding the future of the country that has 
been so long a bone of contention between Japan and 
Russia. 

American influence in the rest of Asia until quite 

2U 



Anglo-Americanism in India 

recently has been chiefly confined to the teaching of 
American missionaries. They have taken an honora- 
ble and useful part in the presentation of the doctrines 
of the Christian religion to the myriads of Burma and 
India. Every British missionary is regarded more or 
less as representing the Government which he obeys. 
The Americans, who do not labor under this disad- 
vantage, often find it easier on this account to win 
the confidence of the people among whom they labor. 
In consequence of this detached position, they are 
able sometimes to affect more directly the action of 
the Government than the British missionaries. 

The most notable illustration of this was afiforded 
by the immense service which was rendered to the 
cause of morality and humanity by the action of two 
American ladies, Dr. Kate Bushnell and Mrs. Eliza- 
beth Andrews, who succeeded in bringing to light the 
existence of a deliberate attempt on the part of the 
military authorities of India to set the decisions of 
the House of Commons at defiance in the matter of the 
ofiicial regulation and patronage of vice. 

There are few things finer in the recent annals of 
India than the way in which these two women, alone 
and single-handed, penetrated into cantonment after 
cantonment, ascertained the existence of the terrible 
facts which officialdom, civil and military, insolently 
denied, and then, with all their evidence complete, came 
to London to challenge the authorities, and put them 
to open and humiliating confusion. Lord Roberts to 
this day has not forgotten the bitter moment when he 
had to confess that as Commander-in-Chief he had 

2J2 



Anglo-Americanism in India 

been in utter ignorance of facts the existence of which 
he had denied. 

To have extorted a pubhc apology from Lord 
Roberts, to have convicted the whole of Anglo-Indian 
officialdom of deceiving the world in order to evade 
the deliberate decision of the House of Commons, is 
an achievement which rarely falls to the lot of mortal 
men, and still more rarely to that of mortal women. 

As to what would be the net effect upon India if. 
America and Britain amalgamated their forces, and 
bore the White Man's burden in Asia between them, it 
is as yet too premature to speculate. At present, how- 
ever, it is worth noting that the Viceroy of India, 
Lord Curzon, who governs the country in the name of 
the King, has as partner and helpmate an American 
wife. Love, which laughs at locksmiths, makes also 
short cuts through political barriers, and it may be 
that in the marriage which made a Chicago girl Vice- 
Empress of India we see a foreshadowing of things 
to come, when Britain and America, happily united in 
the permanent ties of a race alliance, may pool their 
resources and devote their united energies to the work 
of the amelioration of the lot of the impoverished 
myriads of Asia. 



213 



The Americanization of 
the World 



Chapter Fourth 

Central and Sowth America 

It sounds somewhat of a paradox, but it conveys a 
remarkable truth, that there are few parts of the world 
which have been less Americanized than Southern 
America. As I have already stated, the United States 
does less business with the entire population of Central 
and South America than it does with the five million 
or six million people who occupy the long belt of terri- 
tory running along the Northern frontier. The influ- 
ence of New York and Chicago is much more felt in 
London and in Liverpool than it is in Santiago and 
Buenos Ayres. The fact is that the whole of our 
geographical notions of space are very much out of 
date. If distances were calculated not by miles, but by 
the number of hours or days it takes to traverse them, 
we should have a much more correct view of the 
comparative propinquity of places. According to 
maps, the United States, lying in the same continent as 
South America, is geographically a nearer neighbor 

2J4 



Political Consideration Not Dominant 

than the United Kingdom. But, if any one in the 
United States wants to reach South America, he will 
find it a saving of time to cross the Atlantic and start 
from London. 

While the Americans are Americanizing England, 
the English have been for years past busily engaged 
in Anglicizing South America, the Monroe Doctrine 
notwithstanding. As we need to modify our ideas 
of distance, so it Vv'ould be well to rid our minds of 
a good many delusions that are based upon the old 
superstition that political considerations dominate 
everything. Political considerations sometimes domi- 
nate very little. Religion, literature, trade, have often 
much more influence than a niere political tie. Take 
the case of South Am.erica, for instance. We have 
largely Anglicized it from the point of view of com- 
merce, but the people of that continent are much more 
subjects of the Pope of Rome than to Great Britain. 
Of the outside influences which affect the daily lives of 
sixty millions of Central and Southern Americans, 
the Vatican comes first, the English Stock Exchange 
second, while the United States of America comes in 
a very bad third. All this may be changed, and the 
citizens of the United States have made up their 
minds that it must be changed, and that right speedily : 
but at present they have placed too much reliance upon 
a purely negative influence exerted exclusively in the 
political sphere. 

The Monroe Doctrine, for instance, by which Uncle 
Sam may be said to have cast his shoe over the whole 
of the territory lying south of the Rio Grande, is 

2J5 



Half-Bred Republics 

purely negative. It simply says to all European States, 
"Thou slialt not annex any fresh territory in the New 
World." But there it stops. Now a merely negative 
interdict such as this, so far from exercising influence 
on South America, is apt to operate in the exactly op- 
posite direction. It is a guarantee, to all the half-bred 
Republics lying between the North of Mexico and the 
Straits of Tierra del Fuego, against all danger of an- 
nexation from European Pov/ers — that is to say, it 
removes the pressure of the fear which might have 
driven them to put their house in order, to introduce 
the methods of civilization, and ingratiate themselves 
with the United States so as to secure the support of 
the Government at Washington in case of any medi- 
tated conquest by any of the Great Powers. 

The Monroe Doctrine annuls this dread. Each Re- 
public feels that it can do as it pleases, that it need 
take no heed of the wishes of the United States, and 
that it is under no necessity to provide itself with the 
appliances of civilization. We have had considerable 
experience in the Old World of the mischief which is 
wrought by this kind of guarantee. 

It is true that there is no such hideous negation of 
God erected into a system to be found either in Central 
or Southern America as there is in the Ottoman Em- 
pire ; but there is no denying that with the exception 
of Chili and the Argentine most of the South Amer- 
ican Governments leave much to be desired. 

President Roosevelt sees this clearly enough, and 
one of the declared objects of the new administration 
is to establish a direct commercial alliance, with steam- 

216 



British Commercial Annexes 

ers which will place the American ports in direct com- 
munication with the seaports of South America. Un- 
til this is done the American commercial invasion of 
South America can hardly be said to have begun. 

At present the Argentine Republic, Chili, and Peru 
are commercial annexes of Great Britain. There is no 
reason to suppose that the advent of the United States 
will lead to our banishment from provinces which the 
enterprise of our merchants have made our own with 
little help from armies or diplomacy. It is forgotten 
that at the beginning of the century we seized both 
Montevideo and Buenos Ayres, and if our generals 
had been men of ordinary capacity it is possible there 
might have been a British Empire at the extreme south 
of the American continent to balance the Canadian 
Dominion at the extreme north. That time, however, 
has gone by, and since then we have neither attempted 
to annex South American territory nor seriously to 
colonize the vast and fertile territory of South 
America. 

What we have done has been to lend them money 
and to invest money, millions of money, in the con- 
struction of the railways and tramways, and in ranch 
companies and mines. In the Argentine Republic, as 
Mr. Shaw-Lefevre has recently reminded us, all the 
railways in the country are practically owned by 
British capitalists and managed by English companies. 
The same is generally true of tramways, telephone, 
and electric lighting companies. The principal banks, 
and loan and trust companies, and very many indus- 
trial concerns are worked with British capital and 

2J7 



English Capital 

managed by Englishmen and Scotchmen. In Buenos 
Ayres alone there are i6o miles of tramways under ten 
different companies, all of which are financed from 
England. The railway companies under British man- 
agement can raise money at 4 per cent., while the 
Government of the Argentine has to pay six. There is 
an English colony of 25,000 persons in Buenos Ayres, 
and a great many are scattered all over the country. 
Mr. Shaw-Lefevre says that it is estimated that nearly 
£250,000,000 of English capital is invested in the 
country. 

Although we have a colony of 25,000 in the Argen- 
tine, the French, who are usually said to be not a 
colonizing nation, are credited with twice the num- 
ber, and they are at least equalled by the German 
settlers. But, although the Russian Stundists and 
other nationalities have helped to swell the foreign 
element in the Argentine, the great majority of the 
European settlers are Italians. They find the climate 
agreeable, and they are at home in a land whose popu- 
lation is Latin in its origin and Catholic in its religion 

In Chili the British capitalist is as much in evidence 
as in the Argentine. Sir Howard Vincent, who trav- 
elled through South America in 1897, reported that 
the greater enterprises were almost entirely in British 
hands ; the principal railways, the ports, the large 
estates, the main factories. In Valparaiso the great- 
est mercantile houses are British ; nearly half the ship- 
ping is British. The Chilians, he declared, are the 
British of the Pacific. The British colonists, largely 
of Scotch origin, have become naturalized Chilians, 

2iS 



South American Possibilities 

and take a leading part in the government of the Re- 
pubHc. In Peru half the shipping arriving at Callao 
is British, and the Chilians come next, whose officers 
are nearly all British. The Peruvian Corporation, 
which took over £50,000,000 of the Peruvian foreign 
debt, and also ten State railways, are all British. 

The following figures concerning South and Central 
America are quoted from a very useful pamphlet com- 
piled by Mr. Sanson, of the South American Journal, 
entitled "South America as a Field for Emigrants" : — 



Name of Country. 


Area in 
Square Miles. 


Population 
Last Census. 


Inhabi- 
tants 
per 

Square 
Mile. 


South America. 

Brazil . 


No. 

3,218,082 
i,l25,or.6 

293,970 

72,150 
98,000 
567,200 
503,000 
120,000 
573,900 
593.940 

46,800 
37,000 

7.225 

43,000 

49. 500 

767.005 


No. 

16,000,000 
4,090,000 
3,350,000 
840,700 
600, coo 
2,330,330 
4,000,000 
1,270,000 
4,000,000 
2,323,500 

1,535,000 
268,000 

803,534 

398,900 

420,000 

12,619,954 


.53 


Argentine Republic. . . 
Chili 


.36 
1. 14 


Uruguay 


1. 15 


Paraguay. . . . 


.61 


Bolivia 


.41 


Peru 

Ecuador 


•79 
1.05 


Colombia 


.69 
•39 


Venezuela 


Central America. 

Guatemala 


33 • I 


Costa Rica 


7.2 


Salvador 


114. 7 


Honduras 

Nicaragua 


9.2 
8.6 


Mexico 


16.4 




8,215,858 


74,848,964 





219 



South American Possibilities 



Name of 


Latest Trade Returns. 


Trade per 

head of 
Population. 


Country. 


Imports. 


Exports. 


Imp. 


Exp. 


South America. 
Brazil 


£ 
21,567,000 

21,485,780 
11,875,000 
5,576,000 
72,500 
3,670,050 
1,929,727 
1,394,578 
2,500,000 
2,300,400 

776,133 
917,223 
270,000 
274,661 
573,236 
9,121,810 


£ 

26,752,200 

26,765,891 
11,955,000 
6,728,200 
69,400 
3,012,563 
3,027,477 
2,250,000 
2,670,000 
3,516,519 

1,098,390 
1,012,102 

i,oSo,ooo 
256,685 
636,710 

13,871.513 


£ 
I- 3 

5. 2 

3- 6 

6. 6 
0.12 
I. 5 

0. 5 

1 . I 
6. 
1. 00 

0.50 

3- 3 
0.38 
0.70 

I- 4 

0.72 


£ 

I. 6 


Argentine Re- 
public 

Chili 


6. 4 
3. 6 


Uruguay 

Paraguay 

Bolivia 


8. 
0. II 
I- 3 


Peru 


0. 70 


Ecuador 

Colombia 

Venezuela 

Central America. 

Guatemala 

Costa Rica 

Salvador 

Honduras 

Nicaragua 

Mexico 


I. 8 
0.60 
1.07 

0.60 
3. 8 
I. 4 
0.69 
I. 5 
I. I 








^84,323,088 


;^I04, 741,840 







From the above it will be seen that the countries 
of Latin America occupy an area of 8,215,858 square 
miles, or about 2.31 times the area of the whole of 
Europe, but have a total population of less than double 
that of the United Kingdom. A still closer idea of the 
relative sizes of the countries may be formed when it 
is known that Brazil alone is nearly equal in area to 
Europe, or, taking the area of Great Britain at 88,600 
square miles and the population at 40,000,000, Brazil 
has about 361 1-3 times this area, but only two-fifths 

220 



South American Possibilities 

of the population. The Argentine Repubhc is 12.6 
times the area of Great Britain, but has only about a 
tenth of the population. 

How vast and fertile are the territories which 
South America offers to the overcrowded populations 
of Europe is very imperfectly appreciated in the 
United States. Geographers maintain that there is 
more good fertile soil available for colonization in 
South America than in any other Continent. The pro- 
portion of barren wilderness is smaller there than else- 
where, and the population per square mile is infini- 
tesimal. The whole Continent at present has not 
the population of the German Empire. Yet the whole 
of the German Empire might be stowed away out of 
sight in a corner of Brazil. 

The Americans of the United States have heretofore 
done little or nothing to develop this vast Continent. 
They do less trade with South and Central America 
than they do with the five millions of Canadians on 
their northern border. They have not established as 
yet a single line of steamships between the United 
States and South America. Britain has invested 500 
millions sterling in South America. Every week Brit- 
ish steamships leave for South American ports. Com- 
mercially, we have annexed the Continent. But as 
Disraeli said there is room in Asia for both Russia 
and England, so we may say there is room in South 
America for both John Bull and Uncle Sam. 

We have considerable interest in other parts of 
South America, but it is in these three States, the 
Argentine, Peru, Chili, that our commercial ascend- 

22J 



An Egypt of Argentine 

ancy has until recently been unchallenged. Of late we 
have been losing ground. The Germans are pressing 
us hard, and Mr. Shaw-Lefevre warns us only this 
year that unless Englishmen are prepared to work 
more and play less, they will see themselves supplanted 
by their more industrious competitors. Notwithstand- 
ing all the many hundreds of millions of British cap- 
ital invested in South America, there has been no at- 
tempt to base upon these investments a claim to polit- 
ical influence, much less ascendancy. The only Briton 
of eminence who has ever expressed a wish to alter 
this was Mr. Cecil Rhodes, who told me years ago 
when the Argentine made default, that if he had been 
Foreign Minister he would have occupied the Argen- 
tine and held it as we hold Egypt, as a guarantee for 
the payment of interest on Argentine securities. 

The fact that this would have brought about an im- 
mediate collision with the United States being pointed 
out to him, he at once answered that the right thing to 
do was for England and America to have done it to- 
gether, after the fashion of the Anglo-French condo- 
minium in Egypt before 1880. Mr. Rhodes at that 
time was not so conspicuous a personage in British 
politics as he became after he was made a Privy 
Councillor, and he has of late had a good many other 
things to think of beyond dreaming of South American 
adventures. Mr. Rhodes, to do him justice, never wa- 
vered from the idea of a race alliance, and the promo- 
tion in all continents and in both hemispheres of the 
ascendancy of the English-speaking man. However 
injudicious his suggestion may have been about the 

222 



Argyle's Glib Advice 

Argentine, it could at least be excused on the ground 
of his race-patriotism. 

But this excuse cannot be alleged for another emi- 
nent Briton, the King's brother-in-law, the Duke of 
Argyle to wit, who some years ago actually published 
in German a fervent appeal to the German Empire to 
seize, occupy and administer the Argentine Republic. 
The Duke of Argyle (he was then the Marquis of 
Lome), writing in the Deutsche Revue for September, 
1 89 1, pointed out to the Germans that the German 
Empire was quite capable of acquiring fame and ad- 
vantage by its warlike or diplomatic conquests. He 
pointed out what they were already painfully con- 
scious of — that Germans ceased to be Germans when 
they went abroad. 

" Now," said he, " there is a country, the one country in 
Vv^hich there is nothing but men to despise, where a new throne 
is to be mounted. There is a country whose welfare depends 
on a foreign Power preventing them from knocking off each 
other's heads every few years — a country with a beautiful capi- 
tal, a splendid harbor, a good soil, in which everything is 
excellent, except the government. This country, which only 
requires a European protectorate to bring into it the long- 
desired order and to make it an El Dorado, is Argentina. 
Here German rule established in the form of a protectorate, 
or in any other form, would be welcome, because^k would be 
capable of helping the country out of its distress." 

And, lest the Germans should not be sufficiently 
tempted by the glowing picture which he painted of 
tlie Empire which they could win with their good 
swords, in the south of America, he warned them that 
one day another Power will come and do what must 
one time be done there, "and then the German at home 
will be angry, but he will be too late." 

223 



Germanizing Brazil 

And the man who thus writes was at one time 
Governor-General of Canada, the representative of the 
British Empire in North America. But the Monroe 
doctrine and the certainty that if Germany had re- 
sponded to his appeal she would have been involved in 
war with the United States, never seemed to have 
crossed his mind, so oblivious are even clever men of 
the governing factors in a situation upon which they 
venture to proffer glib advice. 

The Germans, it must be admitted, have shown little 
inclination to respond to the suggestion of the tempter. 
It is not upon Argentina, but further north, that the 
Germans at present have fastened their eyes. Great 
efforts have been made for several years past to deflect 
Gerinan emigration from North America and Aus- 
tralia to BrazU. 

German Colonists have settled themselves in com- 
munities in which nothing but German is spoken, and 
which are looked upon in Berlin as the possible germ 
of a great South American German Empire. It is 
easy to see tl.at if they increase and grow powerful, 
these German-Brazilian communities, by their superior 
culture and discipline, may be in a position to inter- 
vene effectually in deciding the destinies of that vast 
half continent which, despite all its fertility, is not one- 
quarter peopled. 

Colonel C. P. Bryan, United States Minister at 
Brazil, declared on his return to the United States 
in October, 1901, that he had utterly failed to discover 
any disposition on the part of the Germans or Italians 
to pursue their nationalist aspirations in Brazil. In 

224 



A Fair Warning 

Southern Brazil he estimates the German population at 
present at about a quarter of a million in number. 
Many of them have become Brazilian citizens, and are 
as much Brazilianized as German emigrants in the 
United States are Americanized. Very few Ger- 
mans of late years have been settling in Brazil. In 
1898 the Italians sent 33,000, the Portuguese 11,000, 
the Spaniards 6,000 emigrants to Brazil, while the 
Germans sent not 500. 

The Americans are well aware of German aspira- 
tions in the direction of Brazil, and plain and unmis- 
takable warnings have been uttered from time to time 
in what may be described as the semi-official press of 
the United States that any attempt on the part of the 
German Empire to establish either a German protecto- 
rate or a German colony under the German flag in any 
part of the South American Continent will be re- 
garded as a casus belli. 

In Central America, the only vital interest for the 
United States is found in the fact that across the isth- 
mus lies the shortest road between the Atlantic and the 

Pacific. 

American public opinion appears to have decided 
in favor of severing the Isthmus which unites the two 
Americas. The question as to whether to make the 
Isthmus through Nicaragua or through Panama ap- 
pears to have been decided in favor of the longer route. 
Uncle Sam has got money to burn, and the digging of 
a canal 182 miles in length through a difficult country 
at a cost of something under £38.000,000 sterling may 
not be good business from the point of view of divi- 

225 



The Nicaragua Canal 

dends, but it is a much more crcdiDlc occupation than 
that in which nations frequently engaged for the ex- 
penditure of their surphises. It is not for us who have 
thrown away £200,000,000 sterhng in order to render 
South Africa permanently more difficult to hold than 
it would have been if we had never fired a shot, to carp 
at an expenditure of under £40,000,000 which will in- 
cidentally and among other effects have the result of 
bringing Melbourne nearer to New York than it is to 
Liverpool. 

It is not necessary here to enter into particulars as 
to the merits of the rival routes. The Commission ap- 
pointed to inquire into the matter reported that as they 
could not buy out the French interests in Panama for 
less than £20,000,000, the total cost of the Panama 
route would be between £12,000,000 and £13,000,000 
more than the Nicaragua route. If the Americans are 
prepared to sink £40,000,000 in constructing a 35 feet 
deep waterway across 183 miles of Central American 
territory, and are further willing to build fifteen miles 
of breakwater and dredge out the sea to that distance, 
they will make us all their debtors, but it is extremely 
improbable that they will ever reap any adequate finan- 
cial return, and as for the advantages of the canal from 
a naval point of view, the less said the better. Brit- 
ish naval authorities, at any rate, are tolerably unan- 
imous in believing that any admiral who would venture 
in war time to risk any valuable vessel, let alone a 
fleet, in the passage of such a canal as that of Nica- 
ragua, would deserve to be court-martialed. 
The moment the United States decide to cut the 

22^ 



The Nicaragua Canal 

canal, they must first of all negotiate for a ten mile 
strip across the territory of Nicaragua and Costa 
Rica so as to give them absolute control of five miles 
on either side of the waterway. Then the American 
naval authorities are insisting that it will be abso- 
lutely necessary to occupy three or four naval stations, 
from which their fleet could defend the safety of the 
canal. The maintenance of these coaling-stations 
ought to be debited to the working expenses of the 
canal. The existence of the canal would probably 
precipitate the conclusion of the negotiations which 
are pending for the purchase of the Danish West 
Indies, while other stations would be occupied in Almi- 
rante Bay in Colombia, in the Gulf of Dulce in Costa 
Rica, and one of the Galapagos Islands which are off 
the coast of and belonging to Ecuador. From a finan- 
cial point of view, the investment of £50,000,000, be- 
cause such enterprises always cost much more than the 
estimates, is endangered first by the possibility that some 
one may construct the Panama Canal, and so offer a 
short route from sea to sea, less than one-fourth of 
the distance. This probability is, however, very re- 
mote. If the Panama Canal has never been cut when 
its constructors could count upon a monopoly, no one 
is likely to sink money in it when it would have to 
compete with the American Canal through Nicaragua. 
Much more serious than the more or less shadowy 
danger of the Panama Canal is the prospect that the 
Tehuantepec Railway will carry the biggest ships 
from sea to sea considerably cheaper and much more 
rapidly. The construction of the Tehuantepec rail- 

227 



The Nicaragua Canal 

way is in the hands of a British contractor and it is 
expected that it will be completed at a cost of five 
millions — years before the Americans get half way 
through with their Nicaragua Canal. To cut the 
canal it will require two years' preliminary work, and 
six years' hard digging. The Americans will be very 
lucky if the first ship works its way through all the 
locks on the Nicaragua route ten years from to-day 
whereas the Tehuantepec line will be ready in two 
years. 

Sir Weetman Pearson has a lease of fifty years, so 
if this forecast be correct, British enterprise has been 
doing precisely what Canning boasted to have done 
when he propounded the Monroe Doctrine, and estab- 
lished British interests in Central America without in 
any violating American susceptibilities. 

The revolutionary disturbances which compelled the 
United States to land marines for the purpose of 
securing the Panama Railway from interruption were 
an unpleasant reminder of the contingencies which 
must be faced by those who go a-riding and a-sailing 
through Central American Republics. Once the canal 
is made there is little doubt that the whole of the ten 
miles' strip will become part and parcel of the terri- 
tory of the United States and will form a base from 
which the authority of Uncle Sam will be extended 
both east and west and north and south until the con- 
trol, if not the actual annexation, of Nicaragua and 
Costa Rica would be complete. 



228 



The Americanization of 
the Woi 



Chapter Fifth 

The Monroe Doctrine 

Whx\t is the Monroe Doctrine? The best answer 
is to be found in quoting the words which President 
Monroe used in his message : 

"We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable 
relations existing between the United States and those 
(European) powers to declare that we should con- 
sider any attempt on their part to extend their system 
to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our 
peace and safety." 

He added that such a procedure would be viewed as 
"the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition to the 
United States," and that it would not be looked upon 
with indifference by them. 

The doctrine was first suggested to President Mon- 
roe by Mr. Canning. Canning himself would have 
been considerably astonished had he seen the result of 
his suggestion. He said that he regarded his recog- 
nition of the Republics of Mexico and Colombia as an 
act which would make a change in the face of the 

229 



Original Interpretation 

world, almost as great as that of the discovery of the 
continent now set free. He went on to say : — 

"The Yankees will shout in triumph, but it is they who 
lose most by our decision. The great danger of the time, a 
danger which the policy of the European system would have 
fostered, was a division of the world into European and 
American, Republican and Monarchical, a league of wander- 
ing Governments on the one hand, and developing and stirring 
nations with the United States at their head on the other. We 
slip in between, and plant ourselves in Mexico. The United 
States have gotten the start of us in vain, and they link once 
more America to Europe." 

This linking of America to Europe was the one 
thing which the Monroe Doctrine is now invoked in 
order to render impossible. 

The Monroe Doctrine primarily concerned South 
and Central America. Its original justification was a 
desire on the part of the Republican Government of 
the United States to exclude from the New World the 
despotic system that prevails on the Continent of 
Europe. Hence its avowed motive when it was pro- 
riiulgated was anti-monarchical rather than anti- 
European. It originated with Canning, and was 
prompted by a horror of the Holy Alliance, which was 
regarded both in England and America as a conspiracy 
cf despots against human liberty. 

If Canning and Monroe, who may be regarded as the 
joint authors of the doctrine in its first promulgation, 
had been cross-examined as to their motives, they 
would have ridiculed the idea that the new policy had 
any other motive than that of securing the New World 
for free Governments and of confining despotism to the 
Eastern Hemisphere. But in the formulation of the 

230 



Present Application 

doctrine they were not careful to distinguish between 
a despotic and a monarchical Power, and they used the 
word European as a synonym for monarchical 
despotism. 

In that sense the Mcmroe Doctrine was proclaimed, 
and in that sense it was always interpreted down to the 
time of its great revival six years ago, at the time of 
the Venezuelan dispute. Then the Americans, ignor- 
ing the original objective of the doctrine, used it in 
order to protest against an extension of British 
dominion in South America. The British Empire 
was a European Monarchy, and therefore technically 
came under the ban of the Monroe Doctrine. Yet not 
even Mr. Cleveland nor Mr. Olney would have ven- 
tured seriously to assert that a British colony was less 
free or less progressive than the half-breed Republic of 
Venezuela or the dictatorial Republic of Mexico. 

What Mr. W. D. Howells said on the subject would 
have been admitted by all educated Americans, namely, 
that the constitutional monarchies of England, Scan- 
dinavia and Italy were in essence Republican, although 
they still retained their monarchical trappings. It was, 
therefore, a distinct abuse of the spirit of the doctrine 
by using its letter for the purpose of forbidding an 
extension of a British colony at the expense of a nom- 
inal Republic. 

This, however, is a purely academical point, because 
there is no desire on the part of any Englishman to 
annex any portion of South or Central America. In- 
deed there is reason to believe that we are at the present 
moment in negotiation for the transfer of our juris- 

23J 



Roosevelt's Definition 

diction over the Mosquito Indian to the Republic of 
Nicaragua. But it is well to raise this point, in order 
to show the process by which the Monroe Doctrine at- 
tained its present development. The original motive 
has disappeared. It is not in order to secure the West- 
ern Hemisphere for free institutions that the doctrine 
is maintained. 

It is in order to exclude European States as Euro- 
pean States, whether they be constitutional or mo- 
narchical. The nature of their Governments has noth- 
ing to do with it, and a fornuila originally invented 
to put limits upon the spread of despotism, is now in- 
voked in the first place as a measure of self-protection 
for the United States of America ; in the second, in 
order to exclude Europe from America. This may 
be right, or it may be wrong. It is not the original 
doctrine. 

President Roosevelt's inaugural message supplied 
the world with a clear, explicit and authoritative ex- 
position of what the Americans mean when they speak 
of the Monroe Doctrine. The passage is so important 
that it is well to quote it in full. 

"This doctrine should be the cardinal feature of the 
foreign policy of all nations of the two Americas. It 
is in no wise intended to be hostile to any nation of 
the Old World, and still less is it intended to give cover 
to any aggression by one of the New World at the ex- 
pense of another. It is simply a long step towards 
assuring the universal peace of the world by securing 
the possibility of permanent peace in this hemisphere. 

"During the century other influences have established 

232 



Roosevelt's Definition 

a permanence of independence among the smaller 
States of Europe, through a doctrine, and we hope to 
be able to safeguard like independence and secure like 
permanence for the lesser States among the New 
World nations. The doctrine has nothing to do with 
the commercial relations of any American Power, save, 
in truth, that it allows each to form such as it desires, 
It is really a guarantee of the commercial independence 
of the Americans. 

"We do not ask under the doctrine any exclusive 
commercial dealings with any other American State; 
we do not guarantee any State against punishn-ient for 
misconduct, provided the punishment does not take 
the form of the acquisition of territory by any non- 
American Power ; and we have not the slightest desire 
to secure any territory from our neighbors. We wish 
to work with them hand in hand, so that all of us may 
get lifted up together. We rejoice over the good for- 
tune of any of them, and gladly hail their material 
prosperity and political stability, and are concerned 
and alarmed if any fall into industrial or political 
chaos. We do not wish to see any Old World military 
Power grow up on this continent, or to be compelled 
to become a military Power ourselves. 

"The peoples of the Americas can prosper best if left 
to work out their own salvation in their own way. 
The work of building up the navy must steadily con- 
tinue. All we want is peace, and towards this end we 
wish to be able to secure the same respect for our 
rights from others which we are eager and anxious 
to extend to their rights in return. To insure fair 

233 



Political and Commercial 

treatment of the United States commercially, and to 
guarantee the safety of the American people, our 
people intend to insist upon the Monroe Doctrine as 
the one sure means of securing peace in the Western 
Hemisphere. The navy offers the only means of mak- 
ing our insistence upon the doctrine anything but a 
subject of derision to whatever nation chooses to dis- 
regard it. We desire the peace which comes as of 
right to the just man armed, not the peace granted on 
terms of ignominy to a craven and weakling." 

This is definite, both in what it affirms and what it 
denies. But it is well to note that the President has 
put his foot down definitely upon the assumption that 
the Monroe Doctrine has anything to do with com- 
merce beyond allowing each American State to make 
what commercial treaties it chooses. We do not ask, 
he says, for any exclusive commercial dealings with 
any American State. But only a fortnight before the 
President laid down the law in this positive fashion. 
General James H. Wilson, addressing the American 
Free Trade League, gave the Monroe Doctrine an 
extension which he put forward as a plea for Free 
Trade, but which could be used in a very different 
sense by American Protectionists. General Wilson 
said : — ■ 

"Inasmuch as under the Monroe Doctrine we have as- 
sumed the burden of protecting the neighboring states from 
foreign aggression, the question naturally arises : Why should 
we not try to get some commercial advantage from them 
which, while it rnay make them richer and stronger, would in 
a measure compensate us for our trouble and expense? They 
are clearly under the American hegemony, and if the Monroe 

234 



Overlordship not Intended 

Doctrine is to be maintained, they are clearly within the 
American system of public law. That is, our national will 
must prevail in all cases where we choose to assert it, if we 
are strong enough to enforce it, and we are pledged to en- 
force it in all cases where European governiiienis seriously 
encroach upon the territorial integrity or the sovereignty of 
any American State. 

"Under this aspect of our relations with them, why should 
the United States not say frankly to all the States of North 
America, at least, we will agree to absolute and reciprocal 
free trade in natural and manufactured products, between our 
country and all its dependencies, wherever situated, on the one 
hand, and all the immediately neighboring countries on the 
other, under a uniform tariff to be agreed upon by the parties 
to the arrangement, and to be carried into effect as against 
all other countries?" 

He admitted that it would prejudicially effect 
European trade, especially the trade of Great Britain 
with the Dominion of Canada. He further looked for- 
ward to an extension of the same principle to all the 
South American Republics. This, it must be ad- 
mitted, has nothing to do with the Monroe Doctrine 
pure and simple. I only note it by the way as indica- 
tive of a tendency to give that doctrine an expansion 
which it does not properly possess, and to note that 
President Roosevelt has rigidly confined it to the 
political area. 

It is also noteworthy that the President expressly 
repudiates the theory which some of his friends have 
expressed in very vigorous terms that the United 
States should undertake the responsibility of exercising 
general overlordship over the foreign policy of the 
Central and South American States. The passage in 
his message, which will be read with most interest in 
Germany, is that in which he said that the United 
States do not guarantee any State against punishment 

235 



Dominance Without Territory 

for misconduct, provided that the punishment does not 
take the form of the acquisition of territory by any 
non- American Power.' 

From this it follows that if any South American 
State should find itself involved in a quarrel with any 
European Power, the United States has now repudiated 
in advance any right under the Monroe Doctrine to 
protect such American State from European attack. 
If Germany, for instance, had a grievance against 
Venezuela which she maintained rendered it necessary 
for her to inflict punishment upon that republic, the 
American Government could not, in face of President 
Roosevelt's declaration, raise any objection if the 
German Fleet escorted a German Army Corps across 
the Atlantic, if the Army Corps were landed upon 
Venezuelan territory, occupied the capital, and im- 
posed any terms by the will of the conqueror upon the 
conquered, so long as the Germans did not stipulate 
for the acquisition of territory by Germany. 

But it is not necessary to acquire territory in order 
to establish non-American ascendancy in the country 
in which the punitive expeditions of unlimited severity 
and duration are permitted by the United States. 
Americans are perfectly well aware of the precedent 
of Egypt. Germany could not possibly make more 
emphatic protests as to her intention to evacuate South 
American territory than Mr. Gladstone made as to our 
determination to withdraw our garrison from the Nile 
delta 

What is more, Mr. Gladstone made his declarations 
in perfect good faith, and intended to carry out his 
pledges. But nearly twenty years have elapsed since, 

236 



A Punitive Expedition 

with the battle of Tel-el-Kebir, the control of Egypt 
passed into the hands of Great Britain. England has 
not annexed a square yard of territory in Egypt, but 
from that day to this the will of England has been law 
in Cairo and Alexandria. 

What is to hinder the Germans improving upon the 
English precedents? They can accept with both 
hands the interdict upon the acquisition of territory. 
All they would need to do would be to impose upon 
the offending state a sufficiently heavy financial pen- 
alty, and to insist upon occupying certain points of 
vantage until the money was paid, or at least until a 
government should be established in the country with 
sufficient solidity to satisfy them that they would not 
have their punitive expedition to do over again as soon 
as the last man of the expeditionary force was em- 
barked upon the German transports. 

It is not surprising that President Roosevelt should 
endeavor to repudiate any responsibility to shield the 
Southern and Central American Republics from pun- 
ishment for misbehavior, because any attempt to pre- 
vent the European Powers from avenging their own 
wrongs would have entailed upon the American Gov- 
ernment the effective exercise of the duties of Lord 
Chief Justice of the Western Hemisphere which Mr. 
Olney claimed, but which no American statesman is 
prepared to exercise. 

If the Monroe Doctrine is really to be enforced in 
spirit as well as in letter, and the European Powers 
are to be forbidden to establish themselves in South 
America, the United States will have to reconsider its 
policy and prepare to shoulder the burden of answer- 

237 



One Way Out 

ing for the maintenance of inLernational law through- 
out the whole of the American Continent. They may 
hope to evade it, and the occasion may not arise for 
some time to come. But by leaving the door open for 
punitive expeditions to be conducted at the discretion 
of each and all of the European Powers, President , 
Roosevelt has given the Kaiser the opening which he 
needs if he really cares to take advantage of it. 

I have said that President Roosevelt felt that he v^as 
compelled to concede to European Powers the right 
to punish South American Republics as the only al- 
ternative to the assumption by the United States of 
the functions of the Chief Justiceship of the world. 
It is probable, however, that the Americans will dis- 
cover a via media, which will enable them to avoid the 
obvious dangers resulting from European punitive 
expeditions directed against South and Central Amer- 
ican States, and the assumption of the office of an in- 
ternational sheriff who undertakes the duty of en- 
forcing respect for law throughout the whole of that 
vast expanse of territory. 

What is there to hinder the United States of Amer- 
ica from laying down the law that, whenever any 
European State has a grievance against any South 
American Republic, it shall not be free to redress its 
alleged wrong until it has submitted the whole ques- 
tion to an International Tribunal of Arbitration, whose 
award the United States Government will undertake, 
with the aid of the other American States, to enforce? 
This would certainly minimize the evils which are in- 
herent in both the courses, which are at present re- 
garded as the only alternatives. Arbitration would 

238 



Olney's Declaration 

in nine cases out of ten lead to an amicable settlement 
of a quarrel, and in the tenth case the United States 
would not stand alone in enforcing respect for the tri- 
bunals which the recalcitrant State first invoked, and 
then rejected. 

Certainly some such solution is urgently to be de- 
sired. Italy and Germany regard the vast half- 
peopled South American Continent as the natural 
Hinterland for the overflow of their population. Dis- 
putes are inevitable, and prescient statesmen would do 
well to provide in advance for their amicable settle- 
ment; and the advantages of a system which would 
forbid all punitive expeditions across the Atlantic 
which would not entail the assumption of any onerous 
responsibilities on the part of the United States will 
naturally commend itself more and more to the sober 
common-sense of the American people. 

When Mr. Olney, President Cleveland's Secretary 
of State, claimed for the United States that it was 
"practically sovereign on this Continent, and its fiat is 
law upon the subjects to which it confines its inter- 
position," he startled the Old World a little, but he 
scared the New World m^uch more. For while none 
of the European Powers, with the somewhat dubious 
exception of Germany, have any aspirations after terri- 
tory in the Western Hemisphere, there is not a govern- 
ment in Southern or Central America that does not re- 
gard with undisguised alarm the claim of the big 
brother with a big stick way up in the North to exer- 
cise lordship or dominion over them. 

Recognizing the existence of this feeling of alarm, 
Mr. Secretary Hay, in his speech to the Nev/ York 

239 



The Menace of War 

Chamber of Commerce, made the following declaration 
with a view to allaying- the uneasiness which undoubt- 
edly prevails as to the possible consequences of the 
Monroe Doctrine, as interpreted and extended by Mr. 
OIney's declaration : "I think I may say that our sister 
Republics in the South are perfectly convinced of the 
sincerity of our attitude. They know we desire the 
prosperity of each and peace and harmony among them. 
We no more want their territory than we covet the 
mountains of the moon. We are grieved and dis- 
tressed when there are differences among them, but 
even then we should never think of trying to compose 
those differences unless by the request of the parties 
thereto. We owe them all the consideration which we 
claim for ourselves. To the critics of various climates 
who have other views of our purposes, we can only 
wish fuller information and quieter consciences." 

Notwithstanding Mr. Hay's assurance, it seems to 
outsiders that the instinct of the South American 
governments it perfectly sound. The Monroe Doc- 
trine demands as its necessary logical corollary the 
assumption by the United States of the right and the 
power to compel the other American States to refrain 
from actions which would give European Powers a 
legitimate casus belli. If European Powers are 
left to their own resources when face to face with 
Southern or Central American Republics, they will of 
necessity follow the time-honored path. 

They will send first a man-of-war, then a squadron, 
they will declare war, despatch troops and do their best 
to seize the enemy's capital. Of course they may do 
all this, and if when they conclude peace they evacuate 

,240 



American Suzerainty 

the occupied territory and make no attempt to annex 
American soil, the Monroe Doctrine will be left intact. 
But the risk is very great, that if a European Power 
once establishes its troops as conquerors in a position 
of vantage on the American Continent, it will be very 
difficult to turn them out without actual menace of 

war. 

Not only so, but the experience of the United States 
in Cuba is sufficient to show how easy it is to establish 
political paramountcy over a territory without annexa- 
tion. The Monroe Doctrine says nothing about para- 
mountcy. It relates solely to the extension of terri- 
torial possessions. If, therefore, President Roose- 
velt is anxious to keep Europe out of America he will 
be driven either by mediation, friendly offices, or by 
downright intervention to prevent disputes between 
European and American States ever coming to blows. 
That in the long run will practically mean that all the 
Central and South American Republics, while nomi- 
nally sovereign international States, are really subject 
to the suzerainty of Uncle Sam, and all serious diplo- 
matic business will be settled at Washington. It may 
be very good for the South American States thus to 
have the most difficult and delicate diplomatic questions 
taken out of their hands. The case of Venezuela offers 
an excellent illustration of the advantage which such 
States occasionally reap from the timely mtervention 
of the big brother from the North, but they do not 
like it all the same. The small powers dread the 
great Stale which is so strong that the fear of man is 
never before its eyes and which is so supremely con- 
scious of its own absolute rectitude that even when it 

24J 



Union Unnatural 

makes war it is calmly confident that it is acting as 
the Vicegerent of the Almighty. So keen is this dis- 
trust that a very well informed American assured me 
this year that England never made a greater mistake in 
her own interest Vv^hen she refused to settle the Alaskan 
difficulty by arbitration, because the American Govern- 
ment had stipulated that the umpire must be an Amer- 
ican. "If," said my friend, who was a lawyer, de- 
servedly much esteemed in the highest Governmental 
circles, "if I were pleading before such a Court I 
should have addressed myself solely to winning over 
one of the English judges. It would have been hope- 
less to make any South or Central American judge 
admit anything in favor of the United States. Eng- 
land would have had the umpire's decision in her 
pocket before the case opened, and have it every 
time." The existence of such a sentiment of distrust 
is more likely than anything else to provoke action on 
the part of the Washington Government that will pre- 
cipitate the extension of the authority of the United 
States over the whole Western Hemisphere. 

If Mr. Olney's claim for his country to be Lord 
Chief Justice of the Western Hemisphere excited some 
protest, it was nothing to the indignation provoked by 
his frank intimation that in the opinion of the Amer- 
ican nation it is "unnatural" that any European State 
should possess territory in the Western Hemisphere. 

Mr. Olney said : "That distance and three thousand 
miles of intervening ocean make any permanent polit- 
ical union between a European and an American State 
unnatural and inexDedierit will hardly be denied." 

Lord Salisbury denied it at once. But since then 

242 



European Possessions 

Spain has been deprived of her American possessions 
by war, while Denmark is currently reported to have 
sold her West Indian Islands to the United States for 
a little more than three-quarters of a million pounds 
sterling. 

The following are the American territories still re- 
maining under European flags : — 



Country. 


Area, 
Square miles. 


Population, 
1890. 


Denmark : 

Greenland 


34.015 

90 

721 

3S1 

8 

30,000 

3,315.647 

40, 200 

120,000 

19 
8,291 

4.192 

1,754 

166 

4,466 

1,500 

109,000 

227 
46,000 


10,516 


France -. 

St Pierre [ 


5.9S3 
165,154 


Miquelon ) 


Martinique. 


175,863 


St Bartholomew 


2,898 




25,796 


Great Britain : 
Canada 


4-832,679 


Newfoundland 


193,121 


Labrador 


4,211 


Bermuda 


15-743 


British Honduras 


27,668 


Jamaica 


639,491 


Trinidad 


198-747 


Barbadoes. . 


182,206 


Bahamas 


49,500 


Eleven other West Indian Is- ( 

lands or groups ( 

B'"itish Guiana 


250,000 
287,981 


Netherlands : 

Curacao ^ 

Dutch Guiana 


29,729 
74,132 







243 



Of Concern to England 

From this list it appears that, excluding the posses- 
sions of Great Britain, the only foothold the European 
Powers have on the American Continent are in Guiana 
and in Greenland. Greenland does not matter as it 
is a wilderness of ice and snow. 

All that Europe holds on the mainland is limited to 
Surinam and Cayenne, a stretch of territory covering 
76,000 square miles, on which only 100,000 persons 
can find a living. So far, therefore, as serving notice 
to quit upon Europeans may be regarded as serious, it 
concerns England, and England alone. 

It is not likely that England, with whom the Mon- 
roe Doctrine first originated, will do anything calcu- 
lated to bring down the wrath of President Roosevelt 
on her head. So long as we do not attempt to extend 
our territory in the Western Hemisphere, we may 
take it that no objection will be taken — pace Mr. Olney 
— to our maintaining the territorial status quo. Beati 
possidentcs. 

So far so good, but we can hardly acquiesce without 
at least a passing protest against the assumption so 
constantly made by the citizens of the United States, 
that no one is an American excepting those resident 
within the frontiers of the Republic. Canadians are 
every whit as much Americans as their neighbors south 
of the St. Lawrence. Nor can Great Britain agree 
to the demand that they shall forfeit any of the inher- 
ent rights which they possess as Americans because 
for reasons of their own they prefer to remain in con- 
nection with the British Empire. 

At the same time we are bound to admit that what- 

244 



No Coaling Stations 

ever exception we may take to Mr. Olney's doctrine 
as to the permanent union between Great Britain and 
her American colonies being unnatural and inexpedi- 
ent, there is at least considerable probability that our 
Colonists themselves may come to be of his way of 
thinking. To say this is not in any way to endorse 
the views of Professor Goldwin Smith, who has this 
autumn repeated once more his oft-stated conviction 
that the majority of the Canadians desire to throw in 
their destinies with the United States. It is merely 
to register the conclusions arrived at after a cool, dis- 
passionate survey of the forces which are in action 
within and without the Canadian Dominion. 

It would seem that the acquisition by any European 
power of a coaling-station would be resisted as stren- 
uously as the conquest of a tract of territory on the 
mainland. That this is no exaggeration is shown by 
the hubbub that was raised quite recently by the an- 
nouncement that a German steamship company wished 
to acquire a coaling-station off the coast of Venezuela ; 
a hubbub which only subsided on the formal and em- 
phatic disclaimer by the German Ambassador at Wash- 
ington that no such acquisition was contemplated by 
the German Government. On hearing this declaration 
we are told that President Roosevelt expressed bis 
great satisfaction. The incident is regarded as finally 
closing the door upon the acquisition of any coaling- 
station by a foreign Power in any part of the Western 
Hemisphere. 

By a further process of extension, the Monroe Doc- 
trine is held to forbid the transfer of any territory 

245 



The Danish West Indies 

now held by a European Power to any other European 
Power. The Danes, for instance, have three small 
islands in the West Indies, which are no use to them, 
and which the United States are believed to be willing 
to buy. The Danes would be only too delighted to 
exchange the islands in the West Indies if, instead of 
selling to the United States, they could do a deal with 
the German Empire, and hand over their West Indian 
Islands in exchange for North Schleswig, in which 
several hundred thousand Danes groan under the dom- 
ination of Germany. 

Although it has never been officially stated, it is per- 
fectly well understood that the United States would 
object to any transfer of the Danish possessions to the 
German Empire. There is no probability of the Ger- 
mans being willing to exchange North Schleswig for 
the West Indian Islands ; but they would probably be 
very glad to acquire these islands by outbidding the 
Americans in the matter of purchase-money. The 
Monroe Doctrine, however, deprives Denmark of an 
open market. She can only sell to the United States, 
if she sells at all. 

Even without any direct effort on the part of the 
United States effectively to assert the overlordship 
claimed by Mr. Olney, there is no State in South 
America which does not regard the possible develop- 
ment of American designs with ill-concealed suspicion 
and alarm. It was this motive which prompted the 
assembly last year at Madrid of a congress of rep- 
resentatives of the Latin States of America for the 
purpose of endeavoring to re-establish the influence of 

246 




EUROPE AND AMERICA COMPARED. 

















? "'''♦-•;'. '^^ixtes 







CENTRAL AMERICA AND THE RIVAL CANALS. 



Pan-American Arbitration 

Spain, which had been badly shaken by the Cuban war. 

If there is one thing which would dispose any of the 
South American States to accept a German Alliance, it 
would be for the purpose of rendering absolutely 
impossible the establishment of a protectorate on the 
part of the United States. This road, therefore, be- 
ing closed, North Americans are diligently setting 
themselves to ward off the danger of European inter- 
vention by the other road that is open to them, 
namely, by the establishment of the system of arbitra- 
tion which would minimize the dangers of internecine 
war between the South American Republics them- 
selves, and establish a system by which difficulties with 
foreign Powers might be settled without an appeal to 
the last dread arbitrament of war. 

For this purpose for the last twenty years it has been 
a fixed object of American policy to promote what may 
be called a Pan-American system of Arbitration, of 
which the Congress which assembled in November in 
the capital of Mexico is the latest and most conspic- 
uous sign. 



247 



The Americanization of 
the World 

Chapter Sixth 

On International Arbitration 

In discussing the influence which the Americans 
have exercised upon the world at large, reference 
must be made to the one great international question 
in which they have uniformly been a potent force in 
favor of the cause of progress and civilization. I 
refer to the question of international arbitration. 

The principle of settling disputes between Sovereign 
States by reference to a judicial or arbitral tribunal 
formed the very foundation of the American Consti- 
tution. The fact that from the Atlantic to the Pacific, 
from the St. Lawrence to the Gulf of Mexico, there are 
to be found no frontiers bristling with cannon, no 
standing armies to defend the millions of the forty- 
two standing sovereign States banded together in 
Federal union, is due to the Fathers of the Republic 
having created, as the very corner-stone of their 
union, a Supreme Court of Justice, authorized to ad- 
judicate upon all questions in dispute between any of 
the federating States. 

248 



The First Arbitration 

Accustomed from the very birth of the Republic 
to the spectacle of State differences being adjudi- 
cated upon not by the bloody arbitrament of war, 
but by the judicial decision of a supreme tribunal, 
the Americans naturally attempted to create some 
tribunal competent to settle amicably disputes be- 
tween other nations. 

The principles of the Constitution of the United 
States have become part of the atmosphere of the 
American citizen. He may try to get outside it, but 
he seldom succeeds; and consciously or uncon- 
sciously he perpetually suggests the application of 
the principles of that Constitution to the solution of 
almost all the difficulties which arise in the outside 
world. Hence it was natural that the movement in 
favor of international arbitration should have found 
in the American people intelligent and enthusiastic 

support. 

As Great Britain was the power with v^hich the 
United States came into most immediate contact, 
and therefore developed most points of friction, it 
was equally natural that the principle of arbitration 
should have been first brought into active operation for 
the settlement of disputes between the United States 
and Great Britain. 

The first arbitration between the two countries 
took place in 1816, when a dispute arose about the 
St. Croix River, and the Lake boundaries. A few 
years later a question arising out of the Treaty of 
Ghent was referred to the arbitration of the Emperor 

of Russia. 

249 



Following the Example 

In 1827 a question about the northeastern bound- 
ary of the United States was referred to the arbitra- 
tion of the King of the Netherlands. In 1853 a dis- 
])ute about some liberated slaves was settled by ar- 
bitration, and in 1863 a difference that arose between 
the Hudson's Bay and the Puget Sound Company was 
also settled in the same way. 

The great arbitration, however, which constitutes 
a landmark in the history of the two countries, was 
that by which the Alabama claims under the Treaty 
of Washington of 1871 were referred to the Geneva 
Tribunal. In the same year the disputed San Juan 
boundary was referred to the arbitration of the Ger- 
man Emperor, and a further dispute about the Nova 
Scotia fishery was also settled amicably. 

In 1891 the question of the seal fisheries in the 
Bering Sea was referred to a Court of Arbitration in 
Paris, and the long list of Anglo-American arbitra- 
tions was closed by that which settled the disputed 
boundary between the British Empire and the Republic 
of Venezuela in 1899. No other two nations in the 
world have had so many arbitrations as Great Britain 
and the United States. 

The English-speaking States have not been content 
with endeavoring to influence the world by the force 
of their example. They committed themselves 
nearly thirty years ago to an active support of the 
principle, as will be seen by the text of the following 
resolution which was passed by both Houses of Con- 
gress in the year 1874: — 



250 



Carnegie's Attitude 

"Resolved by the House of Representatives, that the 
President of the United States is hereby authorized and re- 
quested to negotiate with all civilized Powers who may be 
willing to enter into such negotiation for the establishment 
of an international system, whereby matters in dispute be- 
tween different Governments agreeing thereto may be ad- 
justed by Arbitration, and if possible without recourse to 
war." 

In 1890, Congress again in both branches of the 
Legislature passed the following resolution : — 

"That the President be and is hereby requested to invite, 
from time to time, as fit occasions may arise, negotiations 
with any Government with which the United States has, or 
may have, diplomatic relations, to the end that any differ- 
ences or disputes arising betv.-een the two Governments which 
cannot be adjusted by diplomatic agency, may be referred to 
Arbitration, and be peaceably adjusted by such means." 

In 1895 Senator Sherman introduced a bill for the 
purpose of enabling the President to give effect to the 
resolution of 1890 by authorizing him to conduct 
negotiations through the regular diplomatic agents 
of the United States, or at his discretion to appoint 
a commission to visit the Governments of other 
countries for the purpose of entering into negotia- 
tions in order to create an international arbitration 
tribunal or other means by which disputes may be 
amicably settled and war averted. 

When the Venezuelan dispute arose, President 
Cleveland evoked a storm of enthusiastic approval 
by formulating his demand for arbitration. Mr. Car- 
negie, the most peaceful of men, declared that arbitra- 
tion was the one thing in the world for which he was 
willing to fight. Mr. Olney laid down the law that 

25J 



The Treaty That Failed 

war was condemnable as a relic of barbarism and a 
crime in itself, and there was only one possible way 
of determining the question, namely, by peaceful 
arbitration. 

The Am.erican demand thus enthusiastically sup- 
ported by the American people compelled Lord Salis- 
bury to abandon his position. Then an attempt was 
made to create a permanent treaty of arbitration be- 
tween the two States, but unfortunately nothing has 
yet been done to give effect to the wishes that were 
thus expressed. 

In 1890 the official representatives of seventeen 
American Republics assembled at Washington and 
passed the following resolution, which was subse- 
quently accepted by sixteen of the Republics, includ- 
ing Brazil : — 

"The Republics of North, Central, and South America 
hereby adopt Arbitration as a principle of American Inter- 
national Law, for the settlement of all differences, disputes, 
or controversies that may arise between them concerning 
diplomatic and consular privileges, boundaries, territories, 
indemnities, right of navigation, and the validity, construc- 
tion, and enforcement of treaties, and in all other cases, 
whatever their origin, nature or occasion, except only those 
which in the judgment of any of the nations involved in the 
controversy may imperil its independence." 

Three years previously the Central American States 
made a treaty by which five Governments solemnly 
promised, in case of disagreement between them, 
whatever the motives, to submit the same to arbitra- 
tion. 

The first international treaty providing for arbitra- 

252 



Getting Germany Aboard 

tion in all cases was made between the United States 
and Honduras. 

Up to the year 1895 the Government of the United 
States had entered into forty-seven agreements for 
referring matters to arbitration. It was not, how- 
ever, until the Peace Conference at the Hague that the 
principles of pacific arbitration had an opportunity of 
getting into practical effect. There was from the first 
a kind of friendly rivalry between Lord Pauncefote 
and the American Delegation as to which could most 
effectually promote the establishment of a Permanent 
International Tribunal. Honors were divided. 

At the Hague Lord Pauncefote led, but America 
scored by the mission of Mr. Holls to Berlin which 
brought Germany into line. Mr. Holls went to Ber- 
lin for the purpose of extricating Germany from a 
position which would have left her isolated. In inter- 
views with the Imperial Chancellor and the Foreign 
Minister, he was able to convince the statesmen of Ger- 
many that whatever attitude the German delegates 
chose to take up, the principle of an International 
Tribunal of Arbitration would be adopted by the Con- 
ference, and that Germany had only the alternative 
of standing in with all the great civilized Powers or 
of taking up a position with no backer or supporter 
save the Sultan. 

The German Government was convinced by his 
representations that the train was going to start any- 
how, and not caring to be left forlorn on the plat- 
form, followed the example of the others, and the 



253 



Getting Germany Aboard 

Convention was unanimously approved by all the 
Powers. 

A record so honorable, lasting over a whole cen- 
tury, and culminating in the greatest International 
Parliam.ent which met in the capital of Holland, is 
one of which every American citizen has good reason 
to be proud. 



254 



The Americanization 
of the World 

Part Three 

How America Americanizes 

Chapter First 

ReIi8:ion 

The impulse which drove the earlier discoverers 
across the Atlantic in search of the Golden Indies was 
not entirely mercenary. In the Fifteenth Century, as in 
the Nineteenth, there is visible a curious blend of 
avarice and religion. In our times, the missionary 
has usually preceded the filibuster, but in the Spanish 
conquest of America the filibusters took the initiative. 

And no sooner had the Spanish and Genoese adven- 
turers discovered the existence of a new world beyond 
the seas than the Church of Rome hastened to exploit 
the discovery by the despatch of missionaries of the 
Cross, who were accommodated with free passa,G:es on 
board the barks which bore the freebooters of the Old 
World to their destined prey. 

The map is still shown in Rome in which the Pope 

255 



Gospel of the Sword 

solemnly divided up the New World between Spain 
and Portugal, two nations which, both being devotedly 
Catholic, accepted the papal delimitation as the voice 
of the Oracle of God. Destinies, hov»-ever, were less 
obedient, and to-day when the visitor at the museum 
of the College de Propaganda Fide surveys the map he 
indulges in melancholy reflections upon the vanity of 
human expectations as he remembers that not over 
even one single islet of that New World now floats 
the Spanish or Portuguese flag. 

If the Old World imposed its faith at the sword's 
point on the aboriginal populations of Central and 
Southern America, Northern Am.crica has not failed 
to confer similar benefits upon the Old World, al- 
though by a very different method of propaganda. 
Prescott has given us in his story of the conquest of 
Peru a curious picture of the methods pursued by the 
pious pirates who conquered the kingdom of 'the 
Incas. 

The unfortunate Peruvians who were captured by 
the .Spaniards were given the choice of conversion to 
Christianity or death. It is not to be wondered at that 
multitudes accepted the faith thus imposed at the point 
of the sword ; but, if the early chronicle may be be- 
lieved, their conversion was attended with even less 
than the usual modicum of intelligent conviction. To 
expound the Christian mysteries on the stricKen field, 
while the soil is still fresh with new-spilled blood, is 
apt to be a somewhat summary process, but it has sel- 
dom been so grotesque a burlesque as that which was 
enacted in Peru. 
256 



Gospel of the Sword 

The Spanish conquerors were ignorant of the lan- 
guage of their captives, and, had perforce, to depend 
upon the services of stray interpreters whose intellects 
were unfamiliar with the subtleties of the Athanasian 
Creed. Hence, when the Peruvian was summoned 
to profess his faith in the Christian religion and its 
fundamental dogma of the Trinity, he was tcld by the 
interpreter that he was required to declare that there 
were three Gods and one God, and that made four 
Gods ; and on assenting to this arithmetical proposi- 
tion he was incontinently baptized and admitted as a 
true believer within the pale of the Christian Church. 

Such were the primitive methods of Pizarro and 
many a less famous Spaniard who preached the gospel 
with the sword only four centuries ago. The unfortu- 
nate millions of the peaceful aborigines whom the 
Spaniards ground to death by enforced labor were 
graciously vouchsafed the alternative of heaven be- 
yond the grave in compensation for the very real hell 
on this earth into which they were plunged by the 
Spanish conquest. 

For the time being, no doubt, the triumph of Spain 
and of Rome seemed complete. To this day, from 
Northern Mexico to Tierra del Fuego, the Roman faith 
reigns supreme. It was in the South American con- 
tinent that the Jesuits found an opportunity for realiz- 
ing their political and religious ideals, and at this 
moment it is in the States of Colombia where the dis- 
possessed friars from the Philippines are finding their 
warmest welcome. Southern and Central America 
have been, since their conquest, veritable States of the 

257 



The Church a Reproach 

Church. But churches, hke individuals, are often 
cursed with the burden of a granted prayer. 

The rehgion of Rome thus forced upon the south- 
^.€rn half of the Western Hemisphere has been singu- 
larly devoid of vitalizing power. It would be difficult 
to specify a single religious movement originating in 
Southern America or to name a single eminent man or 
woman that the Southern or Central American States 
have produced who has exerted any influence upon the 
religious life of the world. To this day the state of 
South America is one of the scandals of the Catholic 
Church. After a period of dominance, during which 
priest and Jesuit reigned with unchallenged sway, the 
forces of revolt asserted themselves with violence ; the 
Jesuits were expelled, and South American free- 
thinkers gave ample proof, by their anti-clerical legis- 
lation, that Gambetta's watchword — "Lc cicricalisme 
— voila I'ennenii!" — could be as inspiriting a rallying 
cry in the New World as in the Old. 

But the fierce passions engendered by the conflict 
between the forces of orthodoxy and of unbelief failed 
to purify the Church. The morality of many of the 
priests in South America left so much to be desired 
that there was a great deal of talk some years ago at 
the Vatican of the necessity for such an exercise of the 
Pope's authority as would suspend for a time the en- 
forced celibacy of the clergy, which in South America 
h.ad produced, not chastity, but almost universal con- 
cubinage. Instead of being a glory, the South Ameri- 
can Church has become the scandal and the reproach 
of Catholic Christendom. 

258 



Religion a Colonizing Factor 

Far otherwise was it with the northern half of the 
Western Hemisphere. Here the rehgious impulse was 
the most potent factor in the colonization of the coun- 
try. The gold mines of California were happily un- 
known in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. 
The Johanneslmrg of the New World lay in the South, 
and thither hastened all the adventurers and gold- 
seekers, the early prototj-pes of the Outlanders of the 
Rand. 

The United States of America and Canada were to 
the conqnistadorcs as unattractive as were the pastoral 
regions of the high veldt in the Transvaal to Messrs. 
Werner, Beit, and Eckstein. They left these North 
lands to those who, like the primitive Boer, trekked 
into the wilderness in search, not of gold, but of 
liberty. Hence, while South America was colonized 
by the devotees of Mammon, North America was 
opened up by stern idealists, who fled from the city 
of destruction of the Old World to the virgin wilder- 
ness in which they hoped to rear on eternal founda- 
tions the city of their God. 

It is true that the earliest colonists, those who went 
out with Raleigh to Virginia, were not of as lofty a 
type. They were more like our colonists of the pres- 
ent day, who were tempted by prospects of carving out 
■estates for themselves and founding a family in the 
rich tobacco-producing regions that lay south of the 
Potomac. They were first in the field ; in social posi- 
tion they were probably superior to the men of the 
MayUozver; but after three centuries, during which 
mankind has had an opportunity of observing the com- 

259 



The Early Colonists 

parative potency of the different elements when dis- 
tilled in the alembic of history, we see many things 
which were hidden from the eyes of our forefathers 
in the Seventeenth Century. 

When Byron visited the dungeon of Torquato Tasso, 
he contrasted in glowing verse the difference between 
the Duke, who in his palace signed the decree that 
flung the poet into jail, and the captives of his will. 



Tlion! formed to eat, and be despised and die, 
Even as the beasts perish, save that thou 
Hadst a more splendid trough, and wider sty. 
He ! with a glory round his furrowed brow, 
Which emanated then and dazzles now. 



There is something of 'the same contrast between 
the affluent and luxurious descendants of the Cavaliers 
who peopled the Southern States and the grim, stern 
men who settled on "the wild New England shore." 
The Southerners had the wealth and the ease, the 
fertile field and the radiant sun ; but the shaping of the 
destinies of the continent lay, not in their hands, 
but in those of the despised fanatics of the North, 
proscribed fugitives fleeing in slight cockle-shells 
across the Atlantic to escape the persecuting zeal of 
prelate and of King. 

The impulse which drove the men of the Mayiiozver 
across the sea was primarily religious ; secondly, politi- 
cal. It was to a very slight extent economical or 
financial. At the time the movement seemed compar- 
atively insignificant. To the Sovereigns and states- 
men of the Old World what did it matter that a colony 

260 



y 



A Fateful Exodus 

or two of pinched fanatics should establish themselves 
on the western shore of the Atlantic? But to-day 
every one realizes that it was an exodus as fateful in 
its influence upon the history of mankind as the Ex- 
odus of the Chosen People through the Wilderness to 
the Promised Land. 

The last century also witnessed a somewhat simi- 
lar exodus, which may yet be as potent in the making 
and unmaking of empires. The trek of the Dutch 
Boers northward across the Vaal seemed even less 
significant than the landing of the Puritans at Plym- 
outh Rock; but to-day it seems not impossible that 
as the one led to the founding of the greatest Repub- 
lic on earth, so the other may lead to the shattering 
of militarism throughout the world. 

But it would be grossly unjust to regard the Puri- 
tans of New England as the only element which re- 
ligious enthusiasm has contributed to the creation of 
the American Commonwealth. The Roman Catholics 
who colonized Maryland were also to a large extent 
exiles for conscience' sake. The propagandist efforts 
of the Roman Church in North America differed toto 
coelo from the brutal fashion in which the work of 
proselytism was carried on in the South. 

The Jesuits, who were at once missionaries and 
explorers of the type of Livingstone, were the pioneers 
of European colonization both in Canada and along 
the Mississippi. On the Pacific coast it was the fathers 
of the various religious orders who were the only 
pioneers of Christian civilization in the Far West, 



261 



Americanized Religion 

until the Argonauts of 1849 broke in rudely upon their 
pastoral simplicity. As it was in the beginning, so it 
has remained ever since. The two continents of the 
New World have been divided between the principle 
of Authority and the principle of Liberty. The Ameri- 
can Commonwealth from its very birth asserted with 
unmistakable emphasis, as inalienable and fundamental 
rights of mankind, liberty of conscience and liberty of 
religion. 

In matters of religion the indirect influence of 
America upon the world has probably been more po- 
tent than any direct effect produced by American 
teachers or American preachers, although, as I shall 
proceed to show, the influence of the latter has been 
by no means insignificant. It was the citizens of the 
United States who supplied the world for a century 
and more with a great object-lesson as to the possi- 
bility of the maintenance of religion without the in- 
tervention of State churches and without the penal 
enactments of intolerant legislatures. 

To a Europe, hide-bound with the old tradition that 
there could be no religion unless the State established 
and endowed some form of religious creed, the United 
States presented the spectacle of a great Christian com- 
munity, in which the rites of religion w^ere as regu- 
larly performed and wdiere the spirit of real religion 
was at least as visibly potent in the fruitful works of 
righteousness as in any community where the Church 
was privileged to strut abro?d bedizened in all the 
gorgeous livery of State. That potent influence is 
still working in the Old World to-day. 
262 



Americanized Religion 

The example of the United States has been a far 
more potent dissolvent of the Old World ideas as to 
the necessity for an inseparable union between Church 
and State than all the activities of the Liberationist 
Society. Cavour's formula of a Free Church in a Free 
State was not uttered till more than two centuries 
after the same ideal had been formally accepted as the 
basis of the American Commonwealth. In a world 
in which men can still find themselves in high office 
bravely confronting the Twentieth Century with the 
ecclesiastical conceptions of the Middle Ages, the ex- 
ample of America streams like the radiance of the ris- 
ing sun across the dark and misty world. 

Apart from this all-pervading, subtle, indirect in- 
fluence of the American ideas as to Church and State, 
and liberty of conscience, not even the most cursory 
observer can overlook the direct influence which Amer- 
ican religious life and religious thought has had upon 
large sections of the English-speaking people in Great 
Britain, and in the Greater Britain beyond the seas. 
It is natural that it should be so, because at least one- 
half of the English-speaking people is ecclesiastically 
much more in sympathy with the Americans than with 
the Anglicans. 

The Anglican Church in England is the church of 
an influential, cultured, richly endowed, socially ar- 
rogant sect. It is a thing apart, as distinct from the 
life of the race as the House of Lords or the monarchy. 
Neither monarchy, House of Lords, nor Established 
Church reproduce themselves beyond the seas. An 
Episcopal Church, no doubt, that is ecclesiastically 



Religious Influences 

affiliated with the AngHcan Church, exists in all the 
Colonies and the United States, but it is nowhere 
established and endowed, its clergy are never inocu- 
lated with the virus of social ascendancy, and although 
in some the evil leaven of sacerdotalism works, it is in 
a very attenuated form. 

The Nonconformists of this country are spiritually 
and ecclesiastically in much more vital union with the 
American Churches than they are with the Anglican 
establishment. This is especially true of the Inde- 
pendents and Baptists, the Unitarians, and, to a less 
but still to a very real extent, of the Presbyterians. 
As for the Methodists, who had no share in the glori- 
ous traditions of the founding of New England, they 
have increased and multiplied so much in the United 
States as to outnumber the Methodists in the old 
country, so that Methodism may be regarded as the 
most Americanized of all the religious sects. In an 
(Ecumenical Council of Methodism, if the representa- 
tion were adjusted to numbers, the American Metho- 
dists would outnumber those of all the rest of the 
world. The Nonconformist and the Methodist, who 
aje conventionally regarded by the Established clergy 
as aliens to the Commonwealth of Israel, who are re- 
minded at every turn that they are pariahs not worthy 
to sit at table with the Brahmins of the Establishment, 
find themselves at home in the wider and freer area of 
the American Commonwealth. The Congregation- 
alists. Baptists. Unitarians, and Presbyterians are 
solidaires with the Puritans and their descendants. 
The Methodists in all their divisions are equally soli- 

264 



Religious Influences 

datres with the Methodist Episcopal Church. They 
interchange pulpits, they use the same books of devo- 
tion ; above all, they sing the same hymns. When- 
ever a great stone is flung into the lake of American 
or British religious life, the ripple is never arrested 
by the Atlantic. The ever-changing circles extend 
without a break from continent to continent. 

To the man in the street, who may be presumed to 
belong to no religious organization, these ties, eccle- 
siastical or denominational, as you may please to call 
them, may seem of small importance. But to most 
Methodists, and to very many Nonconformists, their 
denomination appeals much more frequently and more 
deeply than the national organization of the country 
to which they belong. Politics which appeal to the 
patriotic sentiment of an Englishman, make only an 
occasional demand upon his active service. If he votes 
at a local election once a year, and at a general elec- 
tion once in five, and if he pays his rates and taxes, 
that often represents the maximum of the service 
which is claimed by the State from the citizen. 

His chapel is much more exacting. It is always with 
him. Twice on Sunday, at least, it summons him to the 
worship of God in some stated public service. But 
this is merely a fragment of the demands which it 
makes upon him. He must attend prayer-meeting, 
class-meeting, teach in the Sunday-school, distribute 
tracts, take part in cottage-meetings, do his share of 
local preaching, and, in short, give up no small portion 
of his leisure to the discharge of his religious duties. 
While his church or chapel is always with him, de- 

265 



Religious Influences 

mandins: voluntary exertion and taking: continuous 
collections, the service demanded by the State is inter- 
mittent and comparatively insignificant. Hence soli- 
darity based upon the identity of religious belief is often 
a far more real and vital thing than the solidarity that 
springs from the inhabiting of the same country. 

It is otherwise, of course, in time of war. When the 
country is invaded, the sentiment of patriotism is su- 
preme. But the English-speaking race at the present 
time does not know what it is to be invaded. The im- 
mense majority of men who speak the English tongue 
have never heard a shot fired in anger. Hence the idea 
of the country as a living entity, demanding imperi- 
ously the sacrifice of life and fortune in its service, 
has never dawned upon many minds. But to the re- 
ligious man and religious woman the warfare with the 
forces of evil never ceases. The Church is the army 
of the living God, always mobilized for action. Nat- 
urally the thought of her members turns far more 
upon the chapel or the church than upon the State. 

To those who have been brought up in the sectarian 
seclusion of the Anglican cult, it is difficult to realize 
the extent to which American books, American preach- 
ers, American hymnody, mould the lives of the Free 
Churchmen of this country. If I may be pardoned 
an autobiographical reminiscence, I may say that there 
rises vividly before my mind's eye the bookshelves of 
my father's study in the days when I was a small boy 
in a Congregational Manse on Tyne-side. In the post 
of honor, formidable and forbidding to me, at least, 
stood the stately volumes which contained the writ- 

2€6 



Religious Influences 

ings of Jonathan Edwards, the stern teacher of New 
England, who represented Calvinism in all its grim 
austerity. 

On another shelf stood the works of Channing, the 
Unitarian, whose loving spirit hardly condoned for 
the offence of his Unitarian heresy. There was Barnes' 
well-thumbed commentary upon the New Testament, 
side by side with Baxter and Matthew Henry, and other 
Puritan divines. Of Jeremy Taylor and Barrow and 
South, and the classic writers and preachers of An- 
glicanism, there was no trace. Chalmers and Guth- 
rie represented the Presbyterianism of Scotland, but 
among modern preachers the works of Henry Ward 
Beecher were the most conspicuous, although Spur- 
geon came after him, cuui Ion go intervallo. It may be 
admitted that it was but a meagre theological outfit, 
although there may be some doubts whether manv of 
my more cultured readers, who sneer superciliously at 
the narrow range of the Independent minister's book- 
shelves, have read as many theological works as the 
few which I have just named. 

My point, however, is not the dimensions of my 
father's library, but to show how teachers and preach- 
ers of New England of the Puritan Commonwealth 
stood side by side, and were held in equal honor as 
supplying the spiritual pabulum for a Nonconformist 
household. I have some reason to think that my ex- 
perience was not exceptional, and to this day I am 
inclined to believe that, if the rank and file of Free 
Churchmen read theology or sermons at all, it will 
be found that their reading is chiefly confined to the 

267 



Religious Movements 

authors who represent the Puritan Commonwealth, the 
Wesleyan Revival, and the religious life of the Amer- 
icans. Hence, it is not surprising that the religious 
public in the three Kingdoms have been singularly sus- 
ceptible to the religious influences coming from be- 
yond the Atlantic. 

Looking over the religious movements of the last cen- 
tury in the English-speaking world there are five dis- 
tinctly discernible. Of these five only one is of Eng- 
lish origin. The Tractarian movement of the Middle 
Century was distinctively Anglican, but beyond a cer- 
tain stimulus given to the sensuous exercise of divine 
worship its influence was strictly confined within the 
limits of its own sect. The other four movements 
have been much wider in their sweep. The first and 
most persistent has been Revivalism. This was dis- 
tinctly American in its origin. 

No doubt, there have been revivals or, as Catholics 
would say, missions, in all ages of the Church ; but the 
systematized revival, the deliberate organization of re- 
ligious services for the express purpose of rousing 
the latent moral enthusiasm of mankind, is a distinctly 
American product of last century. Wesley and Whit- 
field may have sown its seed, but it grew up across the 
Atlantic. Revivalism flourished in the United States 
long before it was acclimatized on this side of the 
water. In Professor Finney, of Oberlin College, Re- 
vivalism found its expositor and its mouthpiece, and, 
as a direct result of his teaching, we have the Salva- 
tion Army, which is simply Revivalism organized 



26& 



Revivalism 

on a permanent basis, and put under quasi military 
discipline. 

It is eas}^ to sneer at Revivalism, but it has been the 
means by which hundreds and thousands of men and 
vv^omen have found their way to a higher and purer 
life. The Revivalist may seem often rude, uncul- 
tured, even vulgar, but in his untutored eloquence mil- 
lions of men have heard for the first time the echoes 
of the Divine voice that spoke on Sinai, while the peni- 
tent form and the enquiry-room have been to many a 
sin-stricken soul the ante-chamber of heaven. In this 
practical work-a-day world men affect great admira- 
tion for those who do things, as opposed j the men 
who talk about them. But Revivalism has done things 
which the more cultured and refined would not even 
have ventured to attempt. 

Nor is it only one form of Revivalism which has 
come to us from the United States; there has been 
a long list of Revivalists whose services were greatly 
welcomed both in England and in the States. Of these 
the best known were Moody and Sankey. Moody in 
speech, and Sankey in song, exercised a wider influ- 
ence than any other two men upon the British people 
in the latter half of last century. Sankey's hymns still 
hold the first place in thousands of places of worship 
throughout the British Empire. They are sung much 
more constantly, and by a much greater number of 
people, than any other songs, with the one exception 
of the National Anthem. 

The second great contribution which America has 
made to the religious life of the world is one, the full 

269 



Spiritualism 

significance of which is appreciated by few. The 
strange, mysterious phenomena of SpirituaHsm first 
began to be noticed at what are known as the Hydes- 
ville rappings in about the middle of the century. But 
it was not until D. D. Home began to develop his me- 
diumship about the time when England was welter- 
ing in the bloody morass of the Crimean War, that 
the outside world recognized the dawning of a new 
force in the world. 

D. D. Home, like Mr. Carnegie, was born in Scot- 
land, but he crossed the Atlantic when nine years of 
age, and did not return to his native land until he had 
been thoroughly Americanized. 

Of his mediumship and his extraordinary mission- 
ary tour throughout the Courts and capitals of Europe, 
it is not necessary to do more than make mention. The 
majority abused him as a charlatan. Robert Brown- 
ing ridiculed him as "Sludge the l^.Iedium ;" but his 
wife, much more spiritually gifted than he, recognized 
the reality of the phenomena which held out to man- 
kind the promise of the possibility of communication 
with those who had passed beyond the veil. 

This is not the occasion for discussing the value of 
the contribution which Spiritualism has made, or rather 
the promise which it holds out of making, to the solu- 
tion of the great problem — if a man die, shall he live 
again? but it is sufficient to mention two facts. One 
was the saying of Lord Brougham, "that even in the 
most cloudless skies of scepticism, I see a rain-cloud, if 
it be no bigger than a man's hand. It is modern Spirit- 
ualism.'' The other is the fact that many of the most 

270 



spiritualism 

eminent of modern scientists, men of the standing of 
Sir William Crookes, Professor Alfred Russel Wal- 
lace, and Camille Flammarion, have publicly asserted 
their belief in the reality of the phenomena commonly 
called spiritistic ; and that the late Mr. Mayers, after 
devoting a quarter of a century to a painstaking scien- 
tific investigation of psychical phenomena, arrived 
before his death at the firm conviction that the per- 
sistence of the personality, after the dissolution of the 
body, was capable of scientific demonstration. 

For my own part, I can only say that I entertain 
no firmer conviction than that this doctrine is as the 
.stone which the builders rejected, which has become 
the headstone of the corner. When the persistence of 
the soul after the dissolution of the body has been 
found to be as capable of scientific verification as any 
other fact in nature, it will constitute a political, social, 
and moral revolution of unspeakable magnitude. 

The next movement of religious origin which has 
influenced the world was the combination of tem- 
perance enthusiasm with the recognition of the right 
of women to full citizenship. It would be too much to 
claim that the temperance movement had its origin in 
the United States, but it undoubtedly has drawn no 
small portion of its strength from New England. The 
State of Maine has long occupied a prominent posi- 
tion as a Prohibition State, and the Maine Liquor Law 
has for fifty years been the object of the despairing 
admiration of prohibitionists in Great Britain and in 
the Colonies. The movement for the emancipation of 
women did not originate in the United States. Mary 

27J 



Woman's Suffrage 

Wollstonecraft may fairly be regarded as the prophet- 
ess of her sex. But it was not until the Americans 
took up the question seriously that the question of the 
enfranchisement of women came within the pale of 
practical politics. To this day it is only in some of the 
States of the American Union, and quite recently in 
Australia and New Zealand, that the right of women 
to full citizenship has been fully recognized. 

The two movements may be said to have been com- 
bined in the Women's Christian Temperance Union,* 
which had its centre in Chicago, with Miss Willard 
as its inspiring spirit. The Women's Christian 
Temperance Union is one of the world-wide organi- 
zations which took their rise in America, and have 
since established branches in every part of the Eng- 
lish-speaking world. Its direct influence in compel- 
ling women at once to realize their responsibility and to 
recognize their capacity to serve the State in the pro- 
motion of all that tends to preserve the purity and 
sanctity of the home, has been by no means one of the 
least contributions which America has made to the 
betterment of the world. 

The fourth movement, which beginning in America, 
has Americanized every English-speaking land, is the 
Christian Endeavor movement. The Christian En- 
deavor movement is the latest born but one of the most 
thriving illustrations of the enthusiasm of humanity 
organized under Christian auspices. It was first 

*The Woman's Christian Temperance Union has now half 
a million members. 300,000 of whom are' in the United States, 
100,000 in Great Britain. There are fifty-eight countries 
and colonies represented in the Union. 

272 



The Christian Endeavor 

founded in the State of Maine by the Rev. Francis E. 
Clark. It has since encircled the world with a chain 
of associated societies, all of which are organized on 
the same general principles for the attainment of the 
same beneficent end.* 

The Christian Endeavor movement appeals prima- 
rily to the young, which is in itself a distinctively Amer- 
ican characteristic ; it asserts the absolute equality of 
the sexes, the binding obligation of the moral law upon 
man and woman alike ; it inculcates temperance, and — 
therein differing from many distinctively Evangelical 
movements — it asserts in the strongest terms the duty 
of its members to try to purify public life, and to use 
the power of the State to help on good work. 

These are living and growing organizations, for the 
like of which we look in vain in any similar societies 
founded in the same period in the United Kingdom. 
In all these four there is no pretension that Americans 
are being Anglicized. 

Apart, however, from these distinct movements, 
which are not dependent for their existence on any 
English organizations, there is another very potent 
spiritual influence profoundly affecting the religious 
life of millions, which has been exercised by certain 
notable Americans, whom it is sufficient to mention. 
Among those who have contributed to broaden the 
religious outlook of the English-speaking world, are 

* The Women's figures are quoted from the latest returns 
published by the Christian Endeavor Union. Number of 
Christian Endeavor Societies in igoi, 61,605, with a total mem- 
bership of 3,695,280. Of these societies 43,848 are " Young 
People's," and 16,195 "Juniors." 

273 



Father Hecker 

Channing, Emerson, and Theodore Parker and James 
Russell Lowell, who embodied in verse the trans- 
cendental philosophy which Emerson crystallized in his 
essays. Next to them, although nearer to the pale 
of the orthodox church, was the brilliant orator and 
catholic-minded philanthropist, Henry Ward Beecher. 
Still further removed from orthodoxy, but still dis- 
tinct forces in the religious life of our race, were 
thinkers like James Fiske, Dr. Draper and Mr. A. D. 
White. 

It would be impossible to close this imperfect and 
cursory survey of the religious influence which Amer- 
ica and the Americans have brought to bear upon the 
religious life of the world, without at least a parting 
tribute to the memory of Father Hecker. The United 
States of America, being predominantly Protestant, 
has influenced most directly those parts of the world 
which have broken loose from the papal dominion. 
It is the glory of Father Hecker that he succeeded, 
to a large extent, in infusing a spirit of healthy 
Americanism into the life of the Church of Rome. 
The forces of reaction, it is true, have triumphed for 
a time, and the doctrines of Americanism lie under 
the ban of the Vatican, but the work which Father 
Hecker did, and the principles which he taught, still 
continue to bear fruit. 

The Roman Catholics of America, like loyal sons 
of the Church, have bowed submissively to their 
teacher's decree. But the present century will not 
be much older before Rome will again find its base 
washed by the rising tide of the American spirit. It 

274 



Father Hecker 

is probable that the Pope, whoever he may be, will 
again pronounce his condemnation. But when the 
tide rises for a third time, the supreme Pontifif will 
recognize that the principles of Americanism are part 
and parcel of the sacred deposit of truth which it is 
the duty of the Church sedulously to preserve and 
to disseminate among the nations of the earth. 



275 



The Americanization of 
the World 



Chapter Second 

Literature and Journalism 

Till comparatively recent years it was the fashion 
to deny that America had produced any literature. 
Not a quarter of a century since supercilious British 
culture disdained even to know of the existence of 
such a person as Mark Twain, and this hauteur on 
our side was encouraged by a humility on the other 
side which does not entirely accord with our con- 
ception of the American character. In his "Fable 
for Critics," James Russell Lowell makes one author 
say: — 

"His American puffs he will willingly burn all, 
To gain but a kick from a transmarine journal." 

Down to the middle of the century and later, Amer- 
ican literature was largely a reflex of English litera- 
ture. The influence of the new environment had not 
materially affected the character of the transplanted 
stock. 

But all that has now disappeared. American litera- 
ture, like the American Constitution, is a thing which, 
while it bears ample evidence of the parent from which 

276 



Influence of American Writers 

it sprang, is nevertheless distinct, original, and inde- 
pendent. The old, almost pathetic humility, with 
which American writers listened to the criticisms of 
Europe, has disappeared. 

The American is rapidly becoming as self-assertive 
in literature as he has long been in other departments 
of human activity, and in proportion as he becomes 
self-conscious and self-reliant we may expect to find 
him exercising increasing influence on the literature 
of the world. 

This is no place for a critical estimate of American 
literature as such. I am merely concerned in noting 
the influence which American writers have had upon 
the world outside America, and especially the Mother 
Country. Even in the first half of the century Amer- 
icans were still largely under the influence of English 
tradition ; they produced many writers whose works 
constituted no small addition to the common stock of 
the literature of the English-speaking race. 

Books which are never read outside the American 
Union may indirectly have affected human thought by 
the extent to which they inspired foreign writers ; but 
the direct influence of American books on the non- 
American world can best be gauged by the American 
books which the non-Americans read. This reduces 
the examination of the influence of American litera- 
ture to an inquiry in the first instance, at least, as to 
what American authors were read in Europe. 

The Americans being pre-eminently politicians, 
much of their genius for political expression found 
vent in political oratory ; but the oratory of politicians 

277 



Benjamin Franklin 

needs no Chinese wall or prohibition tariff to confine 
its consumption within the country of origin. The 
fathers of the American Constitution, the statesmen 
and political thinkers and judges who moulded its 
early development, are practically unknown to the 
ordinary European. 

Educated Englishmen, and some politicians inter- 
ested in the working of the federal principle, have read 
the books which form the political Scriptures of the 
American politicians ; but, speaking broadly, we get 
their influence second-hand through Tocqueville and 
Mr. Bryce. 

The influence of religion was hardly second to that 
of politics in the New England States, and the pulpit 
for many years divided with the forum the articulate 
genius of America. But I have already touched upon 
the influence of America on the religious life of the 
world, and in this chapter I will deal more distinctly 
with their contributions to literature in the shape of 
printed books. 

The first American whose writings were widely cir- 
culated in this country, and who exercised a percepti- 
ble although slight influence upon English thought, 
was Benjamin Franklin. He has gone out of vogue 
in the last thirty years, but in the first half of the cen- 
tury the proverbial wisdom of "Poor Richard's Al- 
manac" was familiar in many English households. 
Franklin was a much greater name to our grand- 
fathers than he is to-day ; it is possible that after a 
period of comparative obscurity his reputation may 
revive throughout the English-speaking world. 

278 



The New England School 

De Tocqueville did more to make American political 
thought a potent influence in Europe than any native 
writers. The first Americans to be extensively read 
in this country were the group of New Englanders 
who made Boston the literary centre of the New 
World. Foremost among these was Emerson, whose 
essays are probably read to-day in England more than 
those of any English writer. 

His "English Traits" figures in the list of almost 
every popular series of reprints, and his stiletto-like 
sentences continue to administer subcutaneous injec- 
tions of transcendental philosophy to the somewhat 
adipose tissue of John Bull. Emerson may be re- 
garded as the literary and philosophical flower which 
blossomed on the somewhat thorny stem of seven gen- 
erations of Puritan preachers from whom he was 
descended. The roots of him were buried deep in the 
granite of Calvinistic Puritanism, but the growth of 
two centuries culminated in the evolution of the 
mystical piety and poetical philosophy of the Sage of 
Concord. 

The ethical fruit of centuries of Puritan preach- 
ings, and the stern discipline of the New England 
Christianity, are minted into a kind of universal cur- 
rency in the winged words and pregnant apothegms 
of Emerson. On our library shelves he stands among 
the first five essayists who are read everywhere to-day 
— Montaigne, Bacon, Addison, Lamb, Emerson. Of 
these five, Emerson, so far as the general reader is 
concerned, is probably first or second. 

After Emerson, Longfellow was the American 

279 



American Poets 

author most appreciated by the English-speaking 
world. It is probable that to this day by the million 
he is the best known poet of the nineteenth century, 
if we exclude the poets who were bom at the close of 
the eighteenth century, and who blossomed into song 
in the first decade. If we were to attempt to estimate 
quantitatively the infusion of poetry which has been 
administered by the poets of England and America to 
the English-speaking man, it would probably be found 
""hat he had absorbed a larger dose of Longfellow than 
)f any poet of the old country. 

Taking the English-speaking w^orld, even outside 
the United States of America, it is probable that there 
are ten persons who are more or less acquainted with 
Longfellow for one who has read Tennyson, and a 
Inmdred have read Longfellow for one who has read 
Swinburne. 

It is the fashion to say that Longfellow was not 
American. His culture was distinctly European, 
and the tendency of his verse bears no relation to the 
American spirit as we understand it to-day. There 
is in it none of the hustle and the bustle and the in- 
tense strain of nervous irritability which distinguish 
the modern American type; but in estimating the in- 
fluence of America upon the world it is well to remem- 
ber that the mild singer of the "Psalm of Life," 
"The Village Blacksmith," "Excelsior," and a score of 
similar poems which have passed into the common 
stock of the poetic thought of the common people, was 
by birth an American. 

The only other American poet, until we come to 

2S0 



English Appreciation 

Whitman — who revolted against the European tradi- 
tion — whose influence can be named beside that of 
Longfellow, was James Russell Lowell. Lowell, in- 
deed, may be said to have succeeded Longfellow, and 
to a certain extent to have superseded him in direct 
influence upon the English masses. 

Although three-fourths of his "Biglow Papers" 
are seldom read, the remaining" quarter has passed 
into the common stock of our thought. For years 
Lowell was only known by his "Biglow Papers," and 
it was not until the later sixties that his merit as a 
serious poet began slowly to gain recognition. It was 
not until the nineties that the English public woke up 
to realize the ethical value and political inspiration 
of his serious verse. When popular feeling is 
deeply stirred, and in times of strain and of crisis it 
is rare indeed to attend an English political meeting, 
or even hear a pulpit utterance in the more advanced 
churches, in which you do not hear one or more quo- 
tations from James Russell Lowell. 

He has been, and is, a subtle power, making always 
for liberty, for charity, for righteousness. Of all 
the influences by which America has afifected, and is 
affecting, the English-speaking race, that of Lowell 
is one of the most valuable. Whittier, John Bright's 
favorite poet, has gained in popularity of late years. 
But he does not attain to the vogue of Longfellow 
and Lowell. 

In the world of fiction America has produced two 
writers, each of whom has written one book that pro- 
foundly influenced the non-American world. One 

26J 



American Fiction 

was a man, the other a woman. The man was Na- 
thaniel Hawthorne, and his one book was "The Scar- 
let Letter." The Woman was Mrs. Harriet Beecher 
Stowe, and her one book was "Uncle Tom's Cabin." 

Both Hawthorne and Mrs. Stowe wrote many other 
novels, which were read with admiration when they 
appeared, and may be still read with advantage ; but 
although much of Hawthorne's work is still widely 
read, none of his works, nor all of them put together, 
have produced so deep an impression as his "Scarlet 
Letter." 

As the years pass, its influence has increased rather 
than diminished, and it remains at this day one of the 
first, if not the first, novel of its kind in the English 
language for its brevity, its pathos, and its force. 
Against a vast background of dimly remembered 
novels of passion and of penitence, it stands out as 
distinct as did the Scarlet Letter upon the bosom of 
Hester Prynne. 

Mrs. Stowe's "LTnclc Tom's Cabin" was famous 
as the first American work which had literally a world- 
wide audience. Mrs. Stowe was fortunate in her sub- 
ject, fortunate in the moment when she published her 
book, and specially fortunate in the spirit with which 
she handled her story. When you read "Uncle Tom's 
Cabin" to-day the artlessness about its art makes you 
sometimes marvel that a book so slight should have 
produced so immense an effect. 

But the book came as a revelation, not merely of 
the realities of slavery in the Southern States, but of 
the existence of a high and noble humanity under the 

282 



A Book That Stirred the World 

skin of the colored man. Englishmen for a couple of 
generations had been taught to sympathize with the 
negro. The propaganda of our early abolitionists 
forms one of the finest chapters in the history of 
the early years of the nineteenth century ; but our 
grandfathers cared for the negro very much as 
the anti-vivisectionists care for the dogs and rabbits 
who are subjected to the torture of the physiological 
laboratory. 

If we could imagine some sympathetic genius who 
could suddenly make the tortured rabbit of the vivi- 
sector speak like a human being, and we could see its 
heart palpitate with all the noble emotions of the par- 
ent and the saint, the effect would be somewhat anal- 
ogous to that which was produced by the sudden ap- 
parition of Uncle Tom. The white world had never 
before realized the essential humanity of the negro. 
It was admitted as an abstract proposition that he was 
a human being, but that he was actually a fellow- 
creature with the same passions as ours, that he lived 
and loved and sorrowed and died even as we, and 
that in his heart throbbed the same tumultuous eddies 
of emotion as those which v/e experience was a truth 
which it v>^as reserved to Mrs. Stowe to discover and 
to make the universal possession of mankind. 

Her book sped like wildfire throughout the whole 
reading world. The printing-presses toiled in vain 
to keep up with the demand for copies of "Uncle 
Tom's Cabin," while translators in every country in 
Europe exhausted their ingenuity to invent foreign 
equivalents for the quaint lingo of the Southern planta- 

283 



A Book That Stirred the World 

tions. Negro slavery in Southern States was swept 
away by the tremendous besom of the Civil War, but 
"Uncle Tom's Cabin" continues to be read through- 
out the world, and dramatized versions still continue 
to attract audiences in English theatres. 

To this day, if you take a million white-skinned 
men, women, and children, you will find a larger per- 
centage who are familiar with Uncle Tom, Legree, 
Topsy and Eva, than are acquainted with the names 
of any American presidents, v/ith the exception 
of Washington and Lincoln, or any American 
men of letters without any exception whatever. To 
the mass of Europeans of the latter half of last cen- 
tury, Mrs. Stowe was the only interpreter of Amer- 
ican life whom they knew and in whom they believed. 
By her book, whatever may be said of its merits or 
demerits, she undoubtedly contributed not a little to 
swell the tide of sympathy and compassion, even with 
the most forlorn and degraded of the human race, a 
tide which alas, to-day, seems somewhat on the ebb. 

Even in the most rapid survey of Americans who 
have exercised literary influence outside America, due 
honor must be paid to the weird, fantastic, and some- 
what morbid genius of Edgar Allan Poe. His influ- 
ence may be traced in many directions, and the note 
which he sounded — original, distinct, and lonesome, 
has waked many echoes. 

An American author who had great vogue in the 
middle of the century, but Vv'hose novels are hardly 
looked at to-day, was J. Fenimore Cooper, whose "Last 
of the Mohicans," and other Indian stories, were the de- 

284 



Men of Potent Originality 

light of our boyhood. His turn may come again, but 
for the moment he is no longer in demand. 

Washington Irving, an earlier writer of more varied 
range, has always commanded a public. He did much 
to familiarize Americans wnth English life, and his 
"Rip van Winkle" has added an imperishable figure 
to the Elysian fields in which dwell the immortals of 
modern romance. 

Of the American historians, Parkman and Ban- 
croft have exercised but little influence outside the 
United States. Prescott and Motley rendered yeo- 
men's service in popularizing history, and their works 
at once took the place among the foremost historians 
of the world. Motley to-day is as popular as Ma- 
caulay, and is quite as widely read. He may be 
counted as one of those who contributed to enlighten 
the more thoughtful Englishmen as to the real sig- 
nificance of the struggle which is raging in South 
Africa. 

Coming down to more recent times, Walt Whitman 
may be regarded as the first American who, with bar- 
baric yawp, startled the Old World by a message of 
defiance and revolt. Whitman aspired to be the 
Washington of literature, to break the fetters of old 
tradition, to which all American poets beiore him had 
tamely submitted, and to found a new school of 
American poetry, which was to be without form, but 
gravid with the new message of the New World. 

Whitman, a born revolutionist, began by revolution- 
izing the lav/s of metre, and constructed poems, the 
like of which had never before been printed in English 

285v 



American Humorists 

characters. He was not so successful as Washington, 
but he won for himself a recognized place among the 
poets of our time, and enlarged the area and the 
method of poetic expression. Edward Carpenter in 
this country has followed in his steps, but Whitman's 
influence has been much wider than that of his actual 
imitators and disciples. He was a breezy, healthy, 
virile influence in modern literature. 

One of the most distinctive contributions which 
America lias made to the literature of the world, is 
that of humor, a department in which the Americans 
have left their English kinsmen far behind. He who 
contributes to the mirth of the world makes humanity 
his debtor, and the American humorists have put the 
English-speaking world under heavy obligation. 
Their export is balanced by no corresponding import, 
for in the world of letters, unlike that of commerce, 
there is no necessary reciprocity. 

From the days of Sam Slick down to those of Mr. 
Dooley, there has been an unfailing succession of 
American humorists whose writings have done much 
to drive dull care away in many millions of homes. 
Sam Slick, with his "Wise Saws and Modern In- 
stances," is not an American of the United States, for 
he hailed from the province now included in the 
Canadian Dominion ; but he was distinctively Amer- 
ican, and it was he who made Britain acquainted with 
the peculiar note of American mirth. 

After him there have been humorists of all kinds, 
from the literary humorist, like the genial Autocrat 
of the Breakfast-table, down to the latest arrival, the 

286 



American Humorists 

Irish-American humorist who has familiarized the 
world with the dialect and the philosophy of the 
Chicago saloon. Artemus Ward, at one time in the 
ascendant, has been eclipsed by Mark Twain, who is 
facile princcps among the American writers of to-day. 
There is no American author whose works to-day are 
as widely read and translated into so many languages 
as those of Mr. Samuel Clemens. Whether grave or 
gay, he can always command a world-wide public. 
In the colonies, he is as popular as in the Old Country, 
and such of his humor as is translatable is current in 
every European country. 

The Board of Trade statistics take no account of the 
product of humor ; but mankind which loves laughter 
feels much more grateful to the owners of the rare 
gift which enables them to tickle the midriff with 
printed words than to all its philosophers. America 
has exported, and continues to export in ever-increas- 
ing quantities, pills and drugs of all kinds; but a 
merry heart doeth good like a medicine, and Mark 
Twain has probably done more to make men happy 
and healthy and wise than all the artificers of patent 
medicines who contribute so liberally to the advertis- 
ing revenue of newspapers and magazines. 

Uncle Remus, with his inimitable Brer Rabbit 
stories, has contributed a distinct and welcome novelty 
to the humorous literature of the world. It is an 
extraordinary instance of the way in which genuine 
humor can triumph over difficulties of dialect, so that 
the public will acquire the dialect in order the better 
to appreciate the humor. 

287 



Influence of the Modern Novelist 

Mr. Harris has achieved such success with his 
version of the stories which Uncle Remus told to the 
little boy, that at this moment Brer Rabbit, Brer Fox, 
Brer Terrapin, to mention only three of his menagerie 
of favorites, are much better known and much more 
appreciated outside America than all the American 
politicians who have won fame and glory for them- 
selves in the annals of the United States. 

It is too early to estimate the effect of the modern 
American novelist upon English literature, but W. 
D. Howells, F. Marion Crawford, and Henry James 
are among the authors who appeal to the whole 
English-speaking world. They are not only read by 
the million, but their style has influenced and is influ- 
encing more and more the new school of British 
novelists. 

In estimating the influence which Americans have 
exercised by the use of the printed book, it is im- 
possible to overlook the immediate and world-wide 
influence that was wielded by Henry George. In the 
portrait gallery of notables of the nineteenth century, 
which has just been published by the Berlin Photo- 
graphic Company, Henry George occupies a dis- 
tinguished place as one of the Americans of inter- 
national fame. His book on "Progress and Poverty" 
was one of the late products of the century. It had 
considerable difficulty in finding a publisher in the 
land of its birth : but it was no sooner born into the 
v/orld than it was hailed by multitudes in every part 
of the British Empire and also on the Continent of 
Europe as a veritable gospel of these latter days. 
28S 



Value of American Influence 

America, which represents the triumph of indi- 
viduaHsm pushed to an extreme, has also produced 
in these latter days some of the books which have most 
powerfully re-acted against individualism. Bellamy's 
"Looking Backward" is perhaps the most conspicu- 
ous instance of a book without any particular literary 
merit which, nevertheless, commanded at once uni- 
versal circulation, owing to the fact that it portrayed 
in story form a realized dream of the modern Social- 
ist. Sheldon's books, equally devoid of any literary 
charm, commanded readers literally by the million, 
owing to the promise which they held out of better 
things to come. The American Idealist and Socialist 
who will have the genius to express with literary 
charm his idealistic visions of a Socialist millennium 
will sweep in triumph through the Vv-orld. 

In closing this very imperfect survey of the influ- 
ence of American books on the non-American world, 
one thing is obvious. The influence of American 
literature has been distinctly good. What there is of 
evil in it has been consumed at home. The broad 
Atlantic has acted as a potent antiseptic, which has 
killed noxious germs and only left that which is 
healthy, helpful, and human to reach our shores. 
American humor has contributed much to the gaiety 
of the world, and American poetry has been both re- 
fininsr and inspiring in its influence on the masses of 
our people. ^ 

The influence of American Socialists, from the days 
of Brook Farm down to the speculations of Mr. H. 
D. Lloyd, have all tended in the right direction in 

289 



American Journalism 

widening the somewhat narrow and circumscribed 
horizon which is indicated by the phrase "the range 
of practical poHtics." The influence of Henry George 
is very marked in New Zealand and in the Australian 
Colonies, where it has probably produced nuich more 
direct results in legislation than in the country which 
gave it birth. 

American journalism is a much more distinctive 
product than American literature. The American 
newspaper, thanks to the absence of paper duties and 
of advertisement taxes, became popular long before 
the English newspaper. Fifty years ago every Amer- 
ican was reading a daily newspaper, whereas in 
England not one man in ten could afford the luxury. 
Hence, the popular journalism of the new country is 
really older than the popular journalism of the old. 

The cheap press with us is only forty years old. 
In America it is at least twice that age. The Amer- 
ican newspaper from the first was racy of the soil, was 
close to its constituency, and represented far more 
faithfully than its English contemporaries the aspira- 
tions, the ideas, and the prejudices of the masses of the 
people. These characteristics it has preserved to this 
day. 

The American newspaper is the mirror of the life 
of the American people. It partakes of all their char- 
acteristics, their virtues, and the vices of their virtues. 
It is as huge as the continent in which it is produced, 
and it is often as crude as the half-settled territories 
over which the American people sprawl. It is the 
fashion among English people, especially among those 

290 



Superior in Quantity and Quality 

who know nothing about it, to sneer at American 
newspapers ; but take them altogether, the American 
newspaper is distinctly ahead of its English contem- 
poraries. 

To begin with, there is more of it, more news, more 
advertisements, more paper, more print. Life would 
be impossible in America to any American if he had 
to read the whole of his newspaper; but just as the 
people have wide and varied tastes, and the interests 
of the whole community have to be catered for, every- 
thing goes in, and no reader is expected to do more 
than assimilate just such portion of the mammoth 
sheet as meets his taste. Hence the busiest people in 
the world, who have less time for deliberate reading 
than any race, buy regularly morning and evening 
more printed matter than would fill a New Testament, 
and on Sundays would consider themselves defrauded 
if they did not have a bale of printed matter delivered 
at their doors almost equal in bulk to a family Bible. 

They do not read it all, any more than a cow eats 
all the grass of the meadow into which she is turned 
loose to graze. They browse over it, picking here 
and there such a tasty herbage as may suit their pal- 
ates. In this way a newspaper comes to be almost like 
a Gazetteer or an Encyclopaedia. No one sits down 
and reads a dictionary from end to end. He dips into 
it. So Americans dip into their papers for what they 
want. Unfortunately newspapers, unlike dictionaries, 
are incapable of alphabetical classification. Hence 
arises the tendency which offends so many English 



29J 



Time Saving Methods 

readers, of exaggerated headings or scare-heads, as 
they are called in the slang of the profession. 

The readers of the Times, which rarely ventures 
upon a double heading, excepting on the outbreak of 
a war or the overturning of a dynasty, are unspeakably 
offended by finding the ordinary news set out with 
half-a-dozen head-lines with staring capitals. But 
these headlines are almost indispensable as a guide to 
the contents of the paper, and as a corrective of the 
excessive smallness of the type in which American 
papers are printed. A man hurrying to business in a 
tramcar or railway can read the scare-heads without 
straining his eyesight, and by running his eyes along 
the tops of the columns, obtains not only a very fair 
idea of the contents of the paper, but also discovers 
what particular column it is necessary for him to read. 

The scare-head is like the display in the show win- 
dow in which the tradesman sets out his wares. The 
art of window-dressing is beginning to be acclimatized 
among us, and so is the art of scare-heading. Com- 
paratively few English journalists have appreciated 
the fact that good journalism consists much more in 
the proper labelling and displaying of your goods 
than in the writing of leading articles. The intrinsic 
value of news is a quality which does not depend upon 
the editor, but the method of display and the setting 
of the diamond is that which affords scope for the 
editorial art. 

American journalism, as compared with that of 
Great Britain, is more enterprising, more energetic, 
more extravagant, and more unscrupulous. The 
292 



The Interview 

staider traditions of English newspapers restrain even 
the most reckless of pressmen within narrower limits 
than the broad field in which many American journal- 
ists are permitted to wander. 

The interview was a distinctively American inven- 
tion, which has been acclimatized in this country, al- 
though with odd limitations. The Times, for in- 
stance, will never publish an interview with any person 
if it takes place on British soil, but if the same person 
is interviewed by one of its foreign correspondents 
and the interview is sent over the wires, it appears 
without question. 

American newspapers differ endlessly.* There are 
some that are almost as staid, not to say stodgy, as 
any paper published in Great Britain. There are 
others that go to the furthest extreme of vulgar sen- 
sationalism; but setting one off against the other, the 
American newspaper is much more varied m its con- 
tents than the journals of the Old World. They have 
more space, and they take much greater pains to serve 
up their news in a vivid, interesting manner. 

* I very much dislike overloading my pages with statistics 
and prefer when possible, to relegate unreadable columns of 
Sures to k ooVnote. The following f^^nr^^' ^^^''^f'^^'Z 
til Tin iter! States Treasury Department's Report on the 
progress of The Uniled Sta'tes and its material industries, 
are too suggestive to be omitted. ^^^^ ^^^ 

T, 1 .• -^8,S58,37i 76,303..387 

Irlcfjaid ■ in ■ Pubiic -Schools: : i ijz^se^ $u8,66.,88o 
Newspapers and Periodicals 5W' - -^ 

^S;p°,fof p'^s.S-r Department ?=0.||. $.o.|«.. 
SlKNn"^"reSo,f"<'n,ilesr.;; '''^ '^^^^ 



The Interview 

No doubt, American journalism has the faults of 
its qualities, and the perpetual straining after im- 
mediate effect is often indulged in with disastrous 
results to what an English journalist would regard 
as consistency and decorum. Whatever ministers 
most effectively to the mood of the moment is supplied 
hot and strong from the press, and if the mood of the 
moment changes, then the subject is dropped incon- 
tinently, as if it were a hot potato. 

There is nothing better in journalism than a good 
interview conscientiously reported by a capable jour- 
nalist, but there is nothing worse than many of the 
abominable perversions and inventions which are often 
served up under that head. To make a story, to 
secure a "beat" of news, almost any manoeuvre is re- 
garded as legitimate, with the result that in some 
papers the value of an interview is as much depreci- 
ated as were the assignats in the critical times of the 
French Revolution. 

Almost all the best dailies in America devote con- 
siderable space to illustrations and caricatures, while 
some of them in their Sunday editions produce colored 
supplements for the amusement of children with which 
we have nothing to compare. 

The British Empire is sadly lacking in capable cari- 
caturists. Since Sir John Tenniel retired, Mr. Gould 
is first of British caricaturists, and there are some on 
the staff of Punch who are worthy of the Tenniel tra- 
dition. Mr. Fumiss is still with us, but has fallen far 
below the level of his best days. Mr. Ben. Gough is 
the most capable caricaturist whom Canada has pro- 

294 



Caricaturists 

duced, while the artists of the Sydney Bulletin and 
the Melbourne Punch produce work which is cer- 
tainly not deficient in force and point. 

But there are many more American caricaturists of 
the first rank than the British. Judge and Puck have 
the advantage of producing their cartoons in color, but 
the men on Life, to say nothing of those on the Journal 
and the World of New York, and the North American 
of Philadelphia, can be relied upon to turn out good 
work almost every day. One of the most capable 
cartoonists of the United States, is Mr. Bart of the 
Minneapolis Journal, while in Mr. P. J. Carter the 
Minneapolis l^inies possesses a very smart craftsman, 
Minneapolis having much more than its fair share of 
this particular kind of talent. 

It is in the newspaper offices that the drive, bustle 
and intense strain of American life is pre-eminently 
centered, and the so-called "yellow" journals are those 
vv'here the national characteristics find the freest scope 
and the widest range. Among "yellow" papers the 
Hearst papers stand easily conspicuous. Mr. Pulitzer 
founded this latter day journalism, and for a time 
reigned supreme in the New York World. His suc- 
cess provoked Mr. W. R. Hearst to enter the field, 
and by dint of lavish expenditure and great journal- 
istic flaire he succeeded in building up a newspaper 
which is at once the wonder and the despair of its 
competitors. 

Mr. Hearst is still a young man, with command of 
vmlimited capital, who has spanned the continent with 
his three papers, the New York Journal, the Chicago 

295 



Mr. Hearst's Papers 

American, and the San Francisco Examiner. The 
style of all these journals is loud. There is no limit, 
save that of the typographer, to the eccentricity which 
they adopt for the purpose of displaying their news, 
and of calling attention to their wares. During the 
Cuban War, the Journal would sometimes come out 
with its front page consisting solely of about four or 
five lines in huge type, resembling nothing so much 
as the news bills of the London evening papers. 

But it is a great mistake to regard the New York 
Journal as a mere catch-penny news-sheet. It is a 
paper which has a very clearly defined creed, which it 
preaches with consistency and energy. It is true that 
the preaching friars who use it as their rostrum some- 
times "ding the pulpit to blads," but when you are 
addressing the cosmopolitan, polyglot, very busy mil- 
lions of people to whom the Journal appeals, it is im- 
possible to speak with the well-bred whisper of diplo- 
macy. There is a difference, of course, between the 
diplomatic whisper and the megaphonic roar of the 
Journal, but the wise man looks more to the substance 
of what is said than the manner of its delivery. 

Mr. Hearst's famous definition of the difference be- 
tween journalism that does things and the journalism 
that only chronicles them, is continually receiving fresh 
illustrations. In his own way he has grasped the idea, 
not perfectly but still resolutely, of government by 
journalism, and when experience and age have brought 
a little more steadiness Mr. Hearst may become the 
m.ost powerful journalist in the world. He embodies 
and exaggerates all the distinctively American qual- 

296 



Good and Bad Qualities 

ities of the later days. He is self-assertive, pushing, 
defiant, and determined at whatever cost to "get there" 
every time. 

It is a popular superstition among the respectable 
Americans that no one ever reads the Journal. "Its 
name, we never mention it ; oh, no, 'tis never heard," 
and Mr. Frederic Harrison, after making a prolonged 
tour in the United States, was able to assure the read- 
ers of the Nineteenth Century that during the whole 
of his travels he had never once met any person who 
ever saw or ever spoke of a yellow journal. 

"Doth not Wisdom cry? and understanding put 
forth her voice? She standeth in the top of high 
places, by the way in the places of the paths. She 
crieth at the gates, at the entry of the city, at the com- 
ing in at the doors. Unto you, O men, I call ; and my 
voice is to the sons of man." 

It is to be feared that a good many cultured people 
in the olden time, who dwelt in their studies or in their 
lecture-rooms, were as deaf to the voice of Wisdom 
thus publicly crying in the highways and byways of the 
city as Mr. Harrison was to the voice of yellow 
journalism. No one can understand America to-day, 
with all the sum of its turbulent activities, with its besi 
and its worst, who closes his eyes to the so-called 
"yellow" journals.* 

One of the most recent exploits of the Hearst papers 
was to assist two young women in Chicago who, on 

* People seem to imagine that "yellow" is an oppro- 
brious epithet. Yellow was the color which the Jews had 
to wear in the Ghetto. The yellow rose is the badge of Zion- 
ism to-day. but the yellow of American journalism has noth- 

297 



Power of the Press 

behalf of the Teachers' Federation, took legal action 
for the purpose of compelling the officials to make a 
fair assessment of property in Chicago. As the result 
of the support given to the teachers, property valued 
at £47,000,000 was added to the rateable value of the 
city of Chicago, which rendered it possible, without 
raising the rates, to add half a million to the revenue 
of the city. 

The Judge, in giving his decision on the question, 
declared that the Chicago American, in fighting the 
tax-dodgers, had been fearless, and there was no ques- 
tion of its devotion to public honesty. As the Journal 
pleasantly remarked : "This is only one of a hundred 
instances in which the Hearst newspapers have 
stepped with spiked boots on the toes of thieving cor- 
porations. Hence you can begin to appreciate the ex- 
tent of the animosity against them among the preda- 
tory classes." 

It maintained, not without reason, that many 
"respectable" persons, who foamed at the miouth at the 
mention of "yellow journalism" did so because they 
feared its fearlessness. The virulent fanatic hatred 
with which yellow journalism is regarded led Mr. 

ing to do with that. It originated in the fact that first one 
of these journals and then another employed in its color- 
printed weekly supplements the picture of a child dressed 
in a yellow frock, who is known as the "'y^How kid.'' The 
adventures of this small urchin were described week after 
week, and the continual reappearance of the yellow-frocked 
youngster gave the name of yellow to the journals in whose 
pages it figured. There was nothing opprobrious in the epi- 
thet, and it has been so absurdly misapplied that yellow, 
in the mouth of some people, is almost a synonym for go- 
ahead and enterprise. 

298 



Spiked-Boot Journalism 

Hearst to say: "What is the trouble then? It has 
nothing to do with morals, for the Journal, the Amer- 
ican, and the Examiner are more scrupulous in regard 
to the character of the matter they print than any other 
papers of general circulation in their respective cities. 
It has nothing to do with politics, for these journals 
have set an example of fair and courteous treatment 
of political opponents, that has been gratefully recog- 
nized by the partisan leaders they have fought." The 
real secret of the hatred is because they come down 
with spiked boots upon so many dishonest people's 
toes. Another delusion is that the Hearst papers have 
no policy. On the contrary, they have maintained a 
very definite policy both in home and foreign affairs. 
Most of their demands in foreign affairs are now ac- 
cepted by the nation, and are recognized as part and 
parcel of the policy of the United States. In home 
affairs they propounded at the beginning of the year 
1901 the following seven-headed programme, which is 
worth while bearing in mind : — 

(i) Election of senators by the people ; (2) destruc- 
tion of criminal trusts; (3) no protection for oppres- 
sive trusts; (4) the public ownership of public 
franchises; (5) a graduated income tax ; (6) currency 
reform; (7) national, state, and municipal improve- 
ment of the public school system. 

Here are politics, says the Journal, which look to- 
wards progress, and represent the truest Americanism. 

There is some talk of Mr. Hearst starting a daily 
paper in London. There is plenty of room here for 
spiked boots that come down roughly upon the toes of 

299 



Magazine Literature 

evil-doers, and to-day we should welcome a vigorous, 
energetic newspaper of the Hearst kind, even if it did 
overdo the scare-head and the big type. 

The periodical magazine is another form of literary 
activity in which the Americans have outstripped the 
British, especially in the matter of illustrations. The 
Century, Scribner's and Harper's are three periodicals 
for the like of which we may search in vain through 
the periodical literature of the world. The Cosmo- 
politan, McClnre's, and Everybody's Magazine are 
also as good as, and often better than the best of our 
popular sixpennies. The American Reviezv of Re- 
views is much superior both in price and general get- 
up and advertisements to the English Review of Re- 
viezvs, from which it sprang. We have no magazine 
comparable to the World's Work. Neither have we 
anything comparable to the Youth's Companion, the 
Ladies' Home Journal, or Success. 

Of the non-illustrated magazines, the North Amer- 
ican may challenge comparison with the Nineteenth 
Century, but on the high-priced magazines the old 
country still has the pull, and the same may be said 
of Russia and France. The American magazine has 
an advantage over its English competitors in the postal 
rates, which enable second-class mail matter to be sent 
through the post at an almost nominal charge, whereas 
in England the postage often adds 50 per cent, to the 
cost of the magazine.* 

* The privilege of sending periodicals through the post, as 
second class mail matter at a nominal postage rate has been 
much abused. Several so-called magazines are serial direc- 
tories, others are mere advertising pamphlets ; and at one time 

300 



Reforming the Language 

Discussing the Americanization of the world, it is 
necessary to say at least a passing v;ord upon the 
Americanization of the English language. It is the 
fashion in some quarters to believe that the Americans 
are corrupting the language. The Americans, on the 
other hand, maintain with considerable show of reason, 
that many words and phrases which we regard as dis- 
tinctively American are really from the well of English 
undefiled as it was to be found in the spacious times 
of Great Elizabeth. 

They also maintain that London is the great cor- 
rupter of English pronunciation, and it is tolerably 
certain that if there were to be an Academy of the 
Language formed, many of the greatest purists would 
come from the other side of the Atlantic. On the other 
hand, the Americans have taken the lead in eliminating 
what they regard as superfluous letters from English 
words, a process which in time may make great change 
in the outward appearance, although not in the pro- 
nunciation of our mother-tongue. Long ago the 
Americans dropped the superfluous "u" in such words 
as "honour," and substituted ''z" for "s" in words like 
"organise." 

The National Educational Association formally 
adopted for use in all its official publications a simpli- 
fied spelling for these twelve words — program, tho. 
altho, thoro, thorofare, thru, thruout, catalog, prolog, 
decahg, demagog, pedagog. 

almost any book could be sent through the post at maga- 
zine rates, if only it were brought out in a series. These 
abuses are, however, being vigorously dealt with, to the great 
benefit of the legitimate magazines. 

301 



Improved Spelling 

The United Stales Government some time ago ap- 
pointed a Board to decide on a uniform spelling for 
geographical names. They reported in favor of the 
elimination of the unnecessary letters, so that Behring 
Straits in the American official publications is spelt 
without the "h." A committee of the American Asso- 
ciation for the Advancement of Science has also draw^n 
up rules for the uniform spelling of chemical terms. 
Its most important recommendations, which have been 
adopted in the school-books, eliminate the final "e" 
from such words as "oxide," "iodide," "chloride," 
"quinine," "morphine," "aniline," etc. 

This tendency to eliminate superfluous letters, al- 
though much to be lamented from the point of view 
of the philologist who wishes to trace the origin of 
words, nevertheless represents a simplicity in spelling 
and economy in space. It is not difficult to foresee 
the coming of a still greater change. 

Some day the American, with his characteristic 
directness and genius for going straight to the point, 
recognizing that the one great obstacle in the way of 
the universal adoption of the English language as a 
means of communication between man and man is its 
spelling, will take courage and reduce the language of 
Shakespeare and Milton to a phonetic system. The 
literary sense shudders at the thought of the disap- 
pearance of the familiar words, which have become in- 
dissolubly associated with the ideas which they ex- 
press, but from a practical point of view, the conven- 
ience of the change would be incalculable. 

Those who live in the period of transition will have 

302 



An American Language 

a bad time, but all future generations will gain when 
the spelling of the words is made to correspond to the 
way in which they are pronounced. Thus possibly 
the Americans may adopt the change many years 
before it is accepted in more conservative Britain. In 
that case there will be a great danger of our losing 
the one adjective which describes our common race, 
for their language will be known as the American as 
distinct from the English. We shall have two 
tongues prouounced in the same way, but spelt very 
differently. 

It is easy to see how, if the unification of the English- 
speaking race is not speedily effected, such an altera- 
tion would make a very subtle appeal to the instinct 
of American patriotism. At the present time an Amer- 
ican must speak English, for he cannot differentiate 
the language which he speaks from that of the Mother 
Country ; but, if the spelling were altered, the Amer- 
icans would have a language of their own. Let us 
hope that from so great a disaster the Race may be 
saved by the Union which will secure that the altera- 
tion in spelling shall be effected simultaneously 
throughout the whole area of the English-speaking 
world. 



303 



The Americanization of 
the World 



Chapter Third 

Aft, Science and Music 

Fifty years ago, even thirty years ago, an allusion 
to American art would have provoked an incredulous 
smile on the part of our Royal Academicians. The 
Americans were supposed to have a supreme capacity 
for producing pork and corn, but as for the fine arts 
we have only to turn to English newspapers at the 
time when Mrs. TroUope and Dickens were regarded 
as the chief authorities upon things American, to 
realize how absurd must have seemed a suggestion that 
even in this field Britons would not be able to hold 
their own. 

That this is the fact in at least some branches of art 
has been formally attested this year in the most official 
fashion. The Coronation of Edward VII. is the great 
ceremonial event to which we are all looking forward 
in 1902. It is more than sixty years since the old 
Abbey witnessed the coronation of a British Sovereign. 
All the resources of the Empire v/ill be employed to 
make the coronation of the King as perfect a picture 
and symbol of the Empire as the wit or imagination 
of man can devise. 

304 



American Artists Supreme 

But when the question arose as to the artist to 
whom should be deputed the duty of making perma- 
nent the picture of the great scene upon which the eyes 
of the world will be centered next June, the King 
passed over all British artists, and selected for the 
supreme task a citizen of the Republic. It is by the 
aid of the brush of Mr. Edwin Abbey, an American 
artist, that posterity will picture the crowning of 
Edward VII. 

This Royal homage to Republican genius by no 
means stands alone, nor is Mr. Abbey the only Amer- 
ican who in the opinion of the British themselves has 
been worthy of the highest place among British artists. 
In last year's Academy Mr. Sargent was facile prin- 
ceps. It was Sargent's year, said the art critics, with 
astonishing unanimity, and some did not even hesitate 
to accompany their tribute to Mr. Sargent with more 
or less contumelious reflections upon the British-born 
artists, whose canvases they declared only served as 
foils to the supreme excellence of the American. 

Mr. Whistler is another notable American whose 
original genius has triumphed over all the prejudice 
excited by a somewhat eccentric form of expression. 
Of course it may be said, and justly said, that the 
British pictures exhibited at the Paris Exhibition were 
superior, taken as a whole, to those exhibited by Amer- 
ican artists, but it is the excellence of the supreme 
artist rather than the general average of the rank and 
file which counts in the history of art. 

The Royal Munich Academy this year has selected 
for special honor three English-speaking artists, two 

305 



American Artists Supreme 

of whom, Mr. Sargent and Mr. Abbey, are American, 
and one, Mr. Walter Crane, is an Englishman. But 
both of the American artists are acclimatized in the 
Old World. Mr. Sargent was born in Italy of Amer- 
ican parents, and he may be said to be Europeanized 
from his birth. Mr. Abbey, bom in Philadelphia, 
was educated in America, but he quitted the New 
World two and twenty years ago. 

Mr. Whistler is a voluntary exile from his native 
land. It is inevitable that the Old World should 
attract the artists for a time, but that time is passing. 
American sculptors find a most congenial home in 
Rome, and American artists prefer Paris and London 
to New York or Chicago. 

But while they go abroad to be Europeanized and 
to profit by the picture galleries of Europe, they can- 
not be Europeanized without each of them exercising 
a more or less Americanizing influence upon the society 
in the midst of which they live. For the American, 
like a lump of sugar or a drop of vinegar — whichever 
you prefer — in a glass of water, always makes his 
personality felt. 

American students troop to Paris in such numbers 
that they have an association of their own, which every 
year holds an exhibition. The Association is not com- 
posed exclusively of Americans, but the citizens of 
the United States predominate. It is said that there 
are no fewer than two hundred American architects 
at the Beaux-Arts, while American artists are much 
more numerous. 

In England we have recently witnessed the forma- 

306 



An Internationalizing Element 

tion of an International Society for sculptors, painters, 
and gravers, which holds its own exhibitions, at which 
its members show their best work in such a fashion 
that it may be seen to the best advantage. Its Presi- 
dent, Mr. Whistler, is an American. Mr. Pennell, 
who is one of the best black and white artists in Lon- 
don, is also an American. Mr. St. Gaudens, Mr. 
MacMonnies, Mr. Chase, Mr. Alexander, and Mr. 
Melchers, are among the honorary members; Mr. 
Humphreys Johnston, Mr. Muhrman, Mr. Mura, 
among the associates; while this year Mr. Lungren 
and Mr. McLure Hamilton were exhibitors. 

So that the International Society will be largely 
American. That is, indeed, but symbolical of the 
change which is going on on a larger scale in every 
department of life. The Americans are a great inter- 
nationalizing element. Being themselves an amalgam 
of many nations, they constitute a kind of human flux, 
which enables the diverse elements of hostile national- 
ities to form a harmonious whole. In our Royal 
Academy we have at present only two Americans, but 
they worthily uphold the honor of the United States. 

There is very excellent reason why American artists 
should prefer to paint in the Old World. Mr. J. W. 
Alexander, the painter, in a recent lecture before the 
National Art Club of New York, explained one reason 
why the artist prefers to paint outside his native land. 
A prophet has no honor in his own country, and Mr. 
Alexander declares that the price of a picture painted 
in the United States is scarcely more than one-fifth of 
what it would bring if it had been painted abroad by 

307 



A Prophecy of Greatness 

the same artist in the same style and with the same 
merits. 

Pictures, in the opinion of American collectors, still, 
it would seem, require the hall-mark of Europe. A 
heavy duty imposed upon works of art, a kind of pro- 
tection for American artists, fails in its purpose, and 
leads American collectors to keep their collections in 
London rather than in New York. 

The American with his brush as yet has probably 
had less influence upon European art than the Amer- 
ican with his dollars, for Maecenas, who in the old 
days was patron of all art and letters in Imperial 
Rome, has been reincarnated nowadays with an Amer- 
ican accent. In all the great cities in America picture 
galleries are growing up, to which from time to time 
the masterpieces of Europe are transported with rev- 
erent hands, and displayed as a perennial source of 
culture before the eyes of the young Democracy. 

A French artist, M. Edmond Aman Jean, who re- 
cently visited America, has lately published a rather 
remarkable appreciation of American art. He said 
that although he had often served on the Salon juries 
in Paris, he had never seen so much justice and such a 
strict honesty as was manifested in the examination of 
the works which made up the Carnegie Exhibition in 
1901. And then, going on to speak of American art 
as a whole, he declared : — 

" My conviction is that, like Venice, the United 
Sfates will have one day the most magnificent school 
of painting in the world. Venice commenced like 
America, by industry and commerce. She had her 

308 



Originality in Architecture 

sellers before she had her painters. She was obliged 
to acquire opulence and domination before she could 
found a school of art. Generations must pass away 
yet before in the field of art old Europe will be defin- 
nitely vanquished, but the generations will be born, will 
live and die, and the new art will come permanently 
into existence." 

American architecture is ill understood by those who 
imagine that its culminating triumph has been the 
construction of thirty-story sky-scrapers. No one is 
likely to fall into such an error who visited the World's 
Fair in Chicago. The Court of Honor, with its pal- 
aces surrounding the great fountain, the slender 
columns of the peristyle, the golden dome of the ad- 
ministration building, formed a picture the like of 
which the world has not seen before. 

The long stately lines of the great palaces, the glory 
of the colonnades, and the beauty of the lagoons, in 
which the great buildings were mirrored when the 
waters were not disturbed by the gondolas, left an im- 
pression of perfect beauty and stately symmetry never 
equalled in any of the most famous architectural 
marbles of the Old World. 

Yet the buildings had none of the associations of 
history and of tradition which contribute so largely 
to impress the pilgrims to the great cathedrals of the 
Middle Ages or the temples of Greece and Rome. The 
buildings were new from the architect's hands. It 
was a great tribute to the genius of their builders that 
the buildings which they reared could produce so con- 
stant and abiding an effect. The race which could 

309 



Men of Science 

produce the Court of Honor in the World's Fair will 
cover the Continent with imperishable monuments of 
its genius. 

In sculpture the Americans are as productive as 
original and as instinct with forceful virility. Mr. 
St. Gaudens is probably the greatest living sculptor, 
if we except M. Roden. 

Passing from art to science, the first two American 
naturalists whose names became known to the Old 
World were Audubon in ornithology, and Professor 
Agassiz. It is a long time since they passed away, so 
long that they appear almost to belong to a vanished 
world. In the Twentieth Century there seems to be 
ample ground for believing that the Americans will 
distance us in science more decisively than in almost 
any other department of human activity. 

The reason for this lies, not only in the genius of 
the people, but because the provision made for scien- 
tific research by the munificence of American million- 
aires is infinitely in excess of anything that is pro- 
vided in the British Empire. Sir Norman Lockyer 
recently made a bitter lament as to the scandalous 
neglect of science by the British Government. Recom- 
mendations made years ago for the appointment of a 
Scientific Council have never been carried into efifect, 
and there is hardly any department of scientific re- 
search that is provided even with sufficient funds to 
find itself with its necessary instruments. 

Not only do the Americans equip all their great 
universities with magnificent apparatus and adequate 
endowments, but they send their ablest students 

ZiO 



Clever American Girls 

abroad to study with the best experts in every branch 
of science. They tap the brains of the world, and 
keep themselves fully abreast of the latest results of 
modern research. 

Not only is this true of what may be called the 
Brahmins of science, but American newspapers take 
much more pains to popularize scientilic discoveries 
than is thought worth while by their English admir- 
ers. The yellowest of yellow journals will describe, 
in page after page, the latest discovery in astronomy 
or the most recent speculations as to the art and cul- 
ture of Palaeolithic man. 

Another notable advantage which the Americans 
have in the scientific field is that they draw both sexes, 
whereas in England, with very few exceptions, science 
is a monopoly of the male. One of the most remark- 
able instances of the advantage of being able to lay 
the talents of both sexes under contribution in the 
work of science is afforded by the story of the 
Klumpke sisters. There are four of them. Miss 
Dorothea Klumpke, the brilliant San Francisco girl, 
won for herself a distinguished and unique position 
in the Paris Observatory, where she has been em- 
ployed for years at the head of a large staff of girls 
in making a chart of the heavens. 

She was one of the astronomers selected by the 
French Government to observe the recent eclipse of 
the sun. Not only is she an astronomer, but also she 
is an intrepid aeronaut, and, if current gossip be well 
founded, she was in a balloon at the fateful moment 
when she found her destiny in the stars in another 

Sit 



Clever American Girls 

than an astrological sense. The Klumpke girls form 
a remarkable group, perhaps the most remarkable 
group of sisters at present on this planet. Dorothea, 
the astronomer, is the eldest. 

After her comes her sister Anna, who is an artist, 
and famous as the intimate friend and legatee of Rosa 
Bonheur; Augusta, a doctor, was the first woman to 
obtain an appointment as house-surgeon in a Paris 
hospital, and she subsequently married a French 
doctor. Julia Klumpke has already achieved fame as 
a violinist and a singer. A few more families like 
the Klumpke girls would Americanize Europe with a 
vengeance. Unfortunately such groups are rate, even 
in the United States. 

It would be impossible to attempt even the most 
cursory survey of the contributions that Americans 
have made to human science, which, being of no 
country and cosmopolitan in its nature, bears perhaps 
less trace of Americanization than many other depart- 
ments of human activity. It would be presumption 
on my part to attempt even to summarize in outline 
the contributions which Americans have made to 
modern science. 

All that I wish to do here is to remind the public, 
and especially my own countrymen, of the achieve- 
ments of the Americans in this as in other departments 
of life, in order to combat the prevalent delusion which 
still lingers in many Old-World quarters, that the 
Americans are nothing more than growers of corn and 
rearers of pork. 

Astronomy is one of the oldest and most sublime of 

3J2 



America Leads in Astronomy 

all sciences, and it is precisely in this science that the 
Americans are leading the world. Sir Robert Ball, 
Astronomer-Royal, recently declared to Mr. G. P. 
Serviss, an American astronomer, that — 

"America now leads the van of astronomical science. 
The greatest advance," he said, "that astronomy has recently 
made is what the Americans have been doing. It is the work 
accomplished by Professor Keeler at the great Lick Ob- 
servatory in California. I do not know of anything in as- 
tronomy so important as what he did a little before his death, 
when he discovered the nebular wonders of the heavens. 
I do not know of anything that can be compared to this dis- 
covery in the recent advance of astronomy for its immense 
importance and significance, for the light which it throws 
upon the origin of the solar system, and the suggestion 
which it makes as to the beginnings of the manner of forma- 
tion of such systems." 

So said Sir Robert Ball at the end of last October, 
and three weeks had hardly passed before the astron- 
omers in the Lick Observatory reported a new con- 
quest in the unexpected and startling discovery which 
they made in photographing a star in Nova Persii. 

About the same time occurred the publication of a 
report of Professor Pickering, of Harvard, describing 
the results of his spectroscopic analysis of lightning, 
which, in his judgment, suggests that hydrogen is not 
an element, but only a compound. Professor Picker- 
ing further reported that "there is a close resemblance 
between the spectrum of lightning and that of the new 
star in Perseus." Science may be thus started upon 
new fields. 

One of the early characteristics of the American, 
noted by all Englishmen who visited the country in the 

3J3 



Yankee Ways 

first half of last century, was the intense spirit of 
curiosity, of Yankee inquisitiveness, as it was called. 
In those early days the habit of cross-examining a 
stranger down to the ground upon all the details of 
his life and business may have been carried to lengths 
which were hardly consistent with the hospitality due 
to the stranger within their gates. But the essence of 
inquisitiveness is the spirit of inquiry which forms the 
basis of all scientific progress. 

The Yankee who in the railway car asked you who 
you were, what your income was, what you had done, 
and what you hoped to do, was treating you as every 
man of science treats every unknown phenomenon 
which presents itself to him. The scientist is a per- 
petual note of interrogation, and this intense eager- 
ness to know, to find out things, and a certain child- 
like faculty of constantly renewed wonderment, afifords 
broad and deep foundation for the future pre-eminence 
of America in scientific pursuits. 

With sandwichmen parading the streets of London, 
announcing two performances daily of Sousa's band, 
we have one side of American music brought very 
prominently before the attention of the London public. 

The "Washington Post March" has drummed itself 
into the ears of the whole world. The great American 
composers, however, have yet to be born, but Amer- 
ican prima donnas are arising to charm the Old World 
with the native wood-notes wild of the New World. 
For many years American audiences have been thrilled 
by the notes of European artists. They are beginning 
to repay their debt. 

3U 



Musicians and Singers 

It is rather odd to read that a young IlHnois woman, 
Miss Minnie Methot, after beginning her career as 
soprano in the first Congregational Church in Evans- 
ton, Ilhnois, has been chosen to sing one of the lead- 
ing parts in Paderewski's new opera of "Manru" in 
Berlin. 

Not less interesting, but even more significant, is the 
fact that German jealousy of American competition 
has shown itself on the operatic stage, and that more 
than once American singers have been compelled to 
abandon roles which they were recognized as the fittest 
to fill, because of the jealousy of their fellow-artists 
of the Old World, who resent American rivalry on the 
stage as much as German Protectionists resent the 
import of American goods into the market. 

Emma Nevada is another of the American canta- 
trices whose talents have commanded European recog- 
nition, and it will be remembered was one of the last 
singers commanded to sing in private before Queen 
Victoria. The use of singing as a means of Evangel- 
ization, if not originally an American notion, received 
its chief recognition from Americans. 

Mr. Phillip Phillips, the Singing Pilgrim, began 
it, but it was Mr. Sankey who made sacred song more 
important as an instrument of revival than the sermon. 
The latest movement among the churches in Chicago 
has been the formation of a plan at Chicago Theo- 
logical Seminary for starting a school of church music 
where preachers and choirs could study under pro- 
fessors selected for their special knowledge of the best 
Hse of music in religious worship. 

3J5 



Future Triumphs 

Few things struck me more when I was In Chicago 
than the attention which was paid to music, and the 
popularity of high-class music. Some people say that 
the Americans owe this to the large infusion of the 
Germans. If this be so, Americans have taken to 
it very kindly. A remarkable tribute to American 
music was recently paid by Dr. Wilhelm Klatte, who, 
last November, in the course of his series of lectures 
on the history of music, declared his conviction that 
the United States would be teaching Europe music 
within twenty years. 

"America," he said, "is undoubtedly on the threshold 
of a great musical career. Native composition is only 
emerging from its infancy, and most American musical 
exponents are fresh from European schooling. But 
music, like everything else, will become typically 
American." 

What evidently impressed Dr. Klatte deeply was 
the presence in Berlin of such large numbers of earn- 
est and devoted students of music from across the 
Atlantic. 

"The records of our Conservatories show that out 
of an average class of five hundred, one-fifth is com- 
posed of Yankees, while the remainder are Germans. 
Never fewer than forty-five Americans obtain first 
honors, while if two hundred Germans manage to 
secure a like position, the percentage is high." 

Some American critics have looked askance at Dr. 
Klatte's compliments, with a suspicion that he is pok- 
ing fun at them with his complimentary prophecies. 



316 



Of American Music 

But Dr. Klatte Is a distinguished musical critic on the 
most widely circulated Berlin newspaper, and there is 
no reason to believe that he was not expressing a 
genuine conviction as to the future triumphs of Amer- 
ica in the musical world. 



3J7 



The Americanization of 
the World 



Chapter Fourth 

Marriagfe and Society 

Among the influences which are Americanizing the 
world, the American girl is one of the most conspicu- 
ous and the most charming. 

"Few people have any idea," said Lord Dufferin to 
me some twenty years ago, in discussing the influence 
of America upon the world, "of the extent to which 
the diplomatic service is Americanized by the influ- 
ence of marriage. Nearly all the attaches of the vari- 
ous embassies at Washington are captured, before their 
term of office expires, by American beauties and Amer- 
ican heiresses. The result is that the diplomatic 
service, the only service which is really cosmopolitan, 
is Americanized through and through." 

Lord Dufferin was the first to point out what has 
long since been familiar to every one. Count Hatz- 
feldt, who was for so many years German Ambassador 
in London, was one of the many German diplomatists 
who had married an American wife. The most con- 

318 



How Society is Americanized 

spicuous features in this romantic marriage were re- 
called and expatiated upon at length in all the Amer- 
ican papers on the occasion of the Count's death. 

A still more curious illustration of the extent to 
which the American woman has married into the very 
heart of German diplomacy was afforded by the fact 
that when the German Ambassador at Peking was 
killed by the Boxers he left an American widow, and 
that when Count von Waldersee was sent out to avenge 
his death he had to bid farewell to an American wife 
before he departed to avenge the wrongs of an Amer- 
ican widow. 

At the Hague Conference two of the most brilliant 
representatives of European diplomacy, Baron 
d'Estournelles, for a long time charge d'affaires in 
London, and Baron de Bildt, Swedish minister at 
Rome, had both married American wives. These are 
just passing illustrations of the truth of Lord Duf- 
ferin's remark. 

Nothing could be more in the nature of things than 
that the young naval and other attaches who begin 
their careers at Washington, having about them the 
glamor of a distinguished position, and in many cases 
of titles, should attract the American girl, while on her 
side she wields the two weapons of beauty and wealth, 
either one of which would suffice for conquest. 

English diplomatists succumb quite as frequently 
as any others. It was noted recently on the marriage 
of Miss Belle Wilson, of New York, to the Honorable 
Michael Herbert, now British Minister at the Court 
of Copenhagen, that a Secretary of Legation had also 

3J9 



The Influence of Dollars 

married an American wife, and therein followed the 
example of his predecessor in the same post. 

It is not only in diplomacy that the American girl 
achieves her triumphs. Diplomatists are few, whereas 
men of title and of mark are many. Hence, every 
vear an increasing number of American heiresses 
marry into European families. This tendency is, of 
course, most marked in Great Britain; but it is 
noticeable both in France and Germany. In course of 
time, indeed, it is probable that all European nations 
will be privileged to contribute bridegrooms who will 
be offered up as willing sacrifices on the hymeneal 
altar of America. 

It is only the more conspicuous heiresses who attract 
general attention, and in some cases the marriages 
have been anything but ideal. It has been a case of 
the bartering of dollars against a title, with a woman 
thrown in as a kind of arles-penny to clinch the bargain. 
This impression as to the mercenary nature of many of 
these marriages was curiously illustrated a year or 
two since by the publication of a correspondence be- 
tween Queen Natalie and the late King Milan of 
Servia. 

The ill-mated pair were discussing the best way of 
rehabilitating the fortunes of the Obrenovitch dynasty 
by providing for the future of their son, the present 
king, whose matrimonial adventures with Queen 
Draga have afforded so many paragraphs to the 
gossip-mongers of the Continent. The suggestion in 
that correspondence was that the young Alexander 
had better be married to an American heiress, not be- 

320 



The Influence of Dollars 

cause there was any American girl of whose exist- 
ence they were aware who was likely to be a suitable 
wife, but solely because the American wife was ex- 
pected to bring millions as her dower. 

The signing of the marriage contract in this case, 
as in many others, was merely to be like the signing 
of a check, which empowered the husband to draw 
upon the banking account of his wife. "With all my 
worldly goods I thee endow" is the declaration which 
in the English marriage service is made by the man. 
It is because the American woman has taken over that 
privilege that she has come to be regarded as a kind of 
inexhaustible financial reserve by the spendthrift 
nobles of the Old World. 

Three centuries ago, adventurers who had wrecked 
their substance at the gaming-table, or had been ruined 
by the fortune of war, clapped their good swords by 
their sides and sailed the Spanish main in the confident 
expectation of being able to return laden with the 
plunder of the palace of Montezuma or of the gold of 
the Incas. 

Nowadays the same kind of gentry cross the At- 
lantic on a similar errand, but their methods are less 
heroic than those of the olden time. Their objective, 
however, is the same, and many times they are even 
more successful. Heiress after heiress has been 
brought back in triumph, bearing with her fortunes 
which would have dazzled Pizarro, or stayed even the 
ravenous appetite of the Elizabethan captains who 
seized the galleons of Spain. 

What vv'ill be the influence of this continual influx 

32i 



Revivifying Agencies 

of American heiresses, whose millions replenish the 
exhausted exchequer of European nobles? M. Finot, 
the acute and sagacious editor of La Revue, recently 
expounded to me when I was in Paris a theory of the 
influence of American work on European develop- 
ment, which was suggestive of much. 

M. Finot maintained that the plutocracy of the New 
World would give the reactionary party in the Old 
World a new lease of life. The great landed pro- 
prietors, the heirs of historic titles, even some royal 
dynasties, were becoming bankrupt. The unchecked 
operation of economic causes in the Old World, aided 
by the pressure of American competition, would, in 
the course of a generation or two, have destroyed 
feudalism in Europe, and paved the way for the advent 
of a more or less socialistic republic. 

But while economic laws with iron teeth are grind- 
ing into powder the remains of the feudal system in 
Europe, hey, presto ! and behold, the American heiress 
descends like some maleficent fairy to arrest the proc- 
ess of disintegration and decay, and to give a new 
lease of power to the oligarchy which seemed to be 
descending into its grave. 

Old castles are repaired and upholstered with the 
aid of American dollars. Mortgages are paid off, and 
great estates restored to the possession of their nom- 
inal owners. The plutocracy of the New World, rein- 
forcing the aristocracy of the Old, robs democracy of 
its destined triumph. 

This diagnosis of the situation is worthy of the 
shrewd and penetrating mind of my brilliant friend, 

322 



The Evil of It 

a man who unites in his single person the genius of 
three races. After all, it may be pleaded in mitiga- 
tion of the offense of the American heiress, that when 
she has done her utmost, all her millions can do but 
little to restore the dilapidation which .has been 
wrought in the feudal ramparts by the steady attri- 
tion of American competition. 

Her fathers and her brothers, from their farms on 
the prairie and their factories in Chicago, ceaselessly 
hurl across the Atlantic vast vessels which are like pro- 
jectiles laden with food-stufifs, whose effect upon the 
old order in the Old World may be compared to so 
many dynamite shells. Through the breaches thus 
made in the ramparts of reaction, a whole flood of Amer- 
ican ideas are pouring into Europe. To stem this the 
richest of American heiresses is powerless. At best 
she can only rig up for her husband a temporary 
shelter amid the ruins. 

It was rather a degradation of the idea of American 
womanhood to regard the American girl as a means 
of replenishing the exhausted exchequer, a kind of 
financial resource, like the Income Tax. Indeed, it 
is not too much to say that when there is no love in 
the matter, it is only gilded prostitution, infinitely 
more culpable from the moral point of view than the 
ordinary vice into which women are often driven by 
sheer lack of bread. 

When I published the "Maiden Tribute" sixteen 
years ago. Lord Randolph Churchill scoffed at the idea 
that vice was unpopular. He declared that it was 
the one bond of sympathy between the aristocracy and 

323 



The Real American Girl 

the democracy; and this trading- with American heir- 
esses for coronets may from this point of view be 
regarded as the touch of nature which makes the whole 
world kin. 

It is at least a proof of the persistency of the spirit 
of the snob, which not even the free air of the Amer- 
ican Republic is able to exorcise. What is bred in 
the bone comes out in the flesh. Many Americans in 
this respect bear only too faithful a resemblance to 
their English ancestors. 

It would be a monstrous injustice to suggest that 
marriage between titled persons in the Old Country and 
the heiresses of the New World is never accompanied 
by affection so sincere that the dollars are mere un- 
considered trifles thrown into the bargain. 

It would also be an absurd misapprehension of facts 
to assume that the only marriages which take place 
between men of the Old World and women of the New 
are accompanied by the transfer of substantial bank 
balances from America to England. The American 
girl has no need of dollars to render her attractive to 
English suitors. She is always bright, vivacious and 
intelligent, often beautiful, and not seldom a very 
desirable wife and mother. 

The real American girl in her millions never has the 
opportunity of visiting Europe. We only see in the 
Old World a very small percentage of American 
womanhood, that which is drawn exclusively from the 
wealthier classes. Of the girls of the class represented 
by Miss Rebecca Hallbom — a Minnesota girl whose 
fame is trumpeted in the American newspapers as the 

324 



I 



The Romance of It 

breaker of all records as the milker of cows — we see 
very little in Europe. Miss Hallbom at the age of six- 
teen, every day in the week milks nineteen cows morn- 
ing and evening, and on an average deprives each cow 
of its milk in less than five minutes. On occasions 
she will milk fifty cows in a day. 

The attraction which men of the Old World have 
for the women of the New — for many more American 
women marry Englishmen than English women marry 
American men — is not difficult to explain. There is a 
certain glamor about the Old World which appeals to 
the susceptible feminine imagination. 

The attraction of ancient lineage, of ivy-clad castles, 
and the associations of a great historic name, appeal 
irresistibly to many minds. It is also true that Amer- 
ican men are as a rule more immersed in business than 
men of a similar class in the Old World. There is 
more leisure here, less rush, and more opportunity for 
the cultivation of domesticity. And our interests are 
often more varied, and the Old World life is both 
picturesque and novel. 

It is also asserted (although far be it from me to 
express any opinion on the subject) that the lovers of 
the Old World are more ardent in their devotion than 
American men. while others maintain that the sex 
loves a master, and that the deeper instinct of the 
American woman craves for a husband who will be 
her lord and master. This I take leave to doubt, for 
the instinct of domination which makes the American 
woman mistress both of her home and all that it con- 



325 



American Wives of Englishmen 

tains, including her husband, is as much in evidence 
on this side of the Atlantic as on the other. 

It is a remarkable fact that four English statesmen 
of Cabinet rank have married American wives. Mr. 
Chamberlain, after having twice married an English- 
woman, has found his supreme felicity in an Amer- 
ican, Miss Endicott. Sir William Harcourt married 
an American, so did Mr. Bryce, and so also did Lord 
Randolph Churchill, whose wife, now Mrs. Corn- 
wallis-West, is one of the few American women who 
have counted for anything in English politics. Amer- 
ican women on this side of the water are very seldom 
politicians, although some of them have married into 
positions where to exercise a political influence would 
have been both easy and natural. 

The Marlboroughs, both the late Duke and the pres- 
ent, are remarkable for havinggone to America for their 
wives. Consuelo Vanderbilt, whose millions have 
rendered it possible to revive some of the glories of 
Blenheim — for without the American money it would 
have been difficult for the Duke even to have kept his 
windows glazed — will some day probably be the wife 
of the Viceroy of Ireland ; while Miss Leiter has for 
some years past been Vice-Empress of India. 

Manchester is another dvical family which has had 
two American Duchesses in succession. But in neither 
case have they contributed much to the social, polit- 
ical, or intellectual life of the Old Country. 

On the Continent there are many American women 
whose names figure considerably in the newspapers. 
The most remarkable princess was Miss Heine, who 

326 



Marriages are Love Matches 

married the Prince of Monaco. Another princess of 
a very different character who figured much more 
prominently in the papers, not altogether by the super- 
abundance of her virtues, was Miss Clara Ward of 
Detroit, who, when a girl of eighteen, married the 
Prince de Chimay and Caraman, a Belgian title, bring- 
ing with her a dowry of half a million sterling. 

The prince brought as his marriage portion a dis- 
solute past. When the corruption of the Old World 
married the wealth of the New, the result was what 
might have been anticipated. Since the meteoric and 
meretricious splendor of Lola Montez, few women have 
created more scandal in the broad expanse which lies 
between Cairo and London. 

Such careers, however, are a rare exception. The 
American woman in Europe may be extravagant, but 
she seldom gives any occasion for scandal. A writer 
in an American magazine, who discussed the question 
of transplanted American beauty, says : — 

"One thing is quite certain. No American girl who 
has married into European society wishes to return 
home to the stay-at-home life of American women. 
Although many difificulties have beset their paths, with 
few exceptions Anglo-American matches have been 
most happy ones. 

"It seems to be a woman's crown of glory — in Eng- 
land, at least — that she is American-born. Until 
Mrs. Lewis Hamersley married the Duke of Marl- 
borough, no great fortune had gone from this country 
into England, and it is safe to say that nine out of ten 
marriages there were love matches." 

327 



Some Famous Marriages 

The Spanish Princess Eulalie, who visited the 
United States at the time of the World's Fair, re- 
cently contributed an article upon the American girl to 
an American magazine. She concluded her article by 
the following cryptic phrase : "When American girls 
go abroad and marry foreigners, they are affectionate, 
not only in proportion to the attention they receive, 
but also by reason of the dowry they give." 

It is unnecessary to do more than refer in passing 
to some of the more famous of the marriages which 
have introduced an American strain into an Old World 
family. The Countess Goblet d'Alviella, wife of the 
well-known Count Goblet d'Alviella, Liberal leader, 
scholar, and senator of Belgium, is an American. So 
is the wife of M. Henri Monod, the Directeur de 
I'Assistance Publique in Paris. 

The Count Bosan de Perigord and Talleyrand, the 
son of the Princess de Sagan, made one of the most 
recent of notable American marriages when he mar- 
ried a daughter of ex-Governor Morton. 

The Castellane marriage, which made Jay Gould's 
daughter Anna a French countess, is not one of those 
unions which go to the credit account. 

The sisters Woodhall — Mrs. Biddulph Martin, who 
combines her social functions with the editing of the 
Hwnanitanan, and her sister. Lady Cook, — Mrs. 
Blomfield Moore, the friend of Browning and the 
patroness of Keeley, of Keeley motor fame ; Mrs. 
Mackay, Mrs. Sherwood, Mrs. Arthur Paget, who is 
one of the smartest of our smart set — represent, each 



322 



American Absorption 

in her own way, various conductors of American influ- 
ence upon English and European life. 

But marriage is not the only means by which so- 
ciety is being Americanized. The process by which 
Great Britain is being converted into the family seat 
of the race is going on steadily. Every year one or 
another American family hires or buys some ancient 
country seat or famous mansion. A certain number 
still remain true to their Paris. James Gordon Ben- 
nett appears permanently to have forsaken his native 
land for the attractions of the Riviera, and here and 
there in the pleasant land of France may be found 
Americans who, having made their pile across the At- 
lantic, find more of the amenities of life and a more 
congenial atmosphere in country-seats which are not 
too far from the boulevards. 

Apropos of the American absorption of English 
steamships, tobacco companies, and castles, the New 
York Ltfe publishes some amusing prophetic pictures 
of what we may expect to see ere long. The pic- 
tures are reproductions of the familiar photographs 
of well-known London buildings and monuments, with 
additions. The first of the series is a view of Tra- 
falgar Square, with a view of the Nelson monument 
surmounted by a gigantic statue of Uncle Sam. 

The second shows us Parliament House, underneath 
which we read the inscription : 'The residence of Mr. 
John B. Grabb, of Chicago. This building is historic- 
ally interesting as having been formerly the seat of the 
British Parliament." The statue of the Iron Duke 
from Hyde Park Corner is furnished with the Amer- 

329 



The New Plutocracy 

ican flag, and labelled : "This statue is now on its way 
to Pittsburg." There is a view of the Royal Exchange 
surmounted by a gigantic bust of J. P. Morgan, with 
the legend E plurihus umim, and the corners are sur- 
mounted by the American eagle and an American 
coat of arms. 

We have not yet come to this, but according to the 
latest bogus story in the American newspapers, Amer- 
ican millionaires are bidding eagerly for the privilege 
of becoming tenants of Osborne House, where the 
Queen died. Senator Clarke of Montana is said to have 
written to the King, asking him how much he will 
take. Mr. Charles G. Yerkes, of Chicago fame, is said 
to be also in the field, having as his dangerous com.- 
petitor Mr. W. W. Astor, who is credited with a desire 
to present Osborne to his daughter Pauline on her ap- 
proaching marriage. 

We have not, of course, got quite so far as this, but 
events seem to be going somewhat in that direction. 
The purchase of Cliveden from the Duke of West- 
minster gave a certain shock to English society, for 
while we are accustomed to the sale, by impecunious 
nobles, of their hereditary possessions to American 
millionaires, it was a novelty to find that one of the 
richest dukes was willing to sell, provided he had his 
price, to the American tempter. 

Mr. Carnegie snapped up Skibo Castle in North 
Britain ; and one of his partners, Mr. Phipps, oc- 
cupies Knebworth Castle, which is famous for its as- 
sociation with Lord Lytton. These are but illustra- 
tions of the way in which the new Plutocracy is 

330 



Americans in London 

nestling itself in the old haunts of the English aris- 
tocracy. The newcomers have plenty of money, but 
their expenditure, as a rule, is not characterized by a 
reckless extravagance. 

It somewhat startled the West End when an Amer- 
ican newspaper proprietor rented a palace here, and 
provided a stud of thirty horses as part of the appurte- 
nances necessary to his existence ; but that was excep- 
tional. We have suffered little from the vulgar osten- 
tation of the wealthy parvenu. The Americans who 
have settled in our midst have been educated gentle- 
men of means, whose chief ambition has been to 
merge themselves quietly and unostentatiously in the 
society in the midst of which they have taken up their 
abode. 

It is estimated that there are about 15,000 Amer- 
icans more or less constantly resident in London. It 
is a shifting population, but the majority are per- 
manent. In order to form a social centre for the fem- 
inine section of this colony, Mrs. Hugh Reid Griffin, 
formerly of Chicago, founded the Society of American 
Women, which has as a badge the arms of the City 
of London surmounted by the American eagle, with 
the Union Jack on one side, and the Stars and Stripes 
on the other. The society was framed on the lines of 
the Sorosis Club of New York, and its declared ob- 
ject was the promotion of social intercourse between 
American women. 

Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan in the City is a name to con- 
jure with. But his influence is financial, rather than 
social. The mention of Mr. Morgan recalls the fact 

33J 



Munificent Philanthropy 

that it was he who undertook to defray the whole cost 
of instalHng the electric light in St. Paul's Cathedral. 
The sum of £9,000 is trivial to a millionaire, but 
somehow or other the British-born millionaire does not 
seem to think of it. 

And this leads me to a concluding observation as to 
one beneficent side of American influence on English 
life. The habit of giving is one of the Americanisms 
Avhich have not yet been successfully acclimatized in 
the Old World. The first American to make a dis- 
tinct impact upon the English conscience by the force 
of his example was Mr. Peabody, vv'hose effigy in 
bronze, seated in an armchair in the midst of "stream- 
ing London's central roar," is a much less valuable 
memorial than the continued usefulness of the Pea- 
body Trust and all the other trusts for rehousing the 
poorer classes of our great cities, which have sprung 
into existence as the result of his initiative. 

But no one has preached the gospel of wealth so 
vigorously and has begun to practice it of late years 
so munificently as Mr. Andrew Carnegie. He is at 
jiresent engaged in a valiant but wholly unsuccessful 
effort to escape the malediction which falls upon those 
who die rich. 

At the same time it must be admitted that probably 
no one has ever given away in a single year as much 
money as Mr. Carnegie distributed in the last twelve 
months. According to a list published on his return 
to New York last November, he succeeded last year in 
distributing eight millions sterling in various quarters. 
One-fourth of this sum is represented by the two mil- 
332 



Beneficent Example 

lions with which he endowed the Scottish universities ; 
one milHon went to the hbraries of New York City; 
more than one and a half millions went to the Carnegie 
Institute in Pittsburg ; and iSoo.ooo to a pension fund 
for his workmen in the same city. 

Miscellaneous gifts in the United States represent 
£850,000, and the rest of the money appears to have 
been distributed for the most part in the endowment 
of libraries in Scotland and in the United States. 

The widow's mite which she cast into the Treasury 
will no doubt outweigh all the benefactions of the mil- 
lionaires. But although it is not given to Mr. Car- 
negie to break the record of that widow, we may at 
least point to his example as one which we should be 
glad to see British-born millionaires attempt to 
imitate. 



333 



The Americanization of 
the World 



Chapter Fifth 

Sport 

No one who remembers the important part which 
the Isthmian Games played in ancient Greece will be 
disposed to deny the political importance of athletics 
and of sport generally as a means of promoting a 
sense of unity among the English-speaking peoples 
of the world. Among the millions of the United 
Kingdom, cricket did more to make Australia and the 
Australians living realities than all the geographies 
and all the political discussions which have taken 
place over the Federation of the Australian Common- 
wealth. 

It is one of the advantages of contests, whether on 
the turf, the cricket field, or on the water, that de- 
feat is as potent as victory in creating interest and 
promoting a sense of comradeship. The brother- 
hood of the Turf may not be the highest of brother- 
hoods, but it has been for many generations a very 
real fraternity which has done a good deal in England 
towards bridging the chasm between the classes and 
providing a democratic meeting place in which dukes 
334 



The Yacht Races 

and bookmakers, jockeys and millionaires could meet, 
if not exactly on an equal footing, at least upon com- 
mon ground. 

Sports which twenty years ago were almost ex- 
clusively national have now become international, and 
every year increases the number of events in which the 
primary interest of sport is reinforced by national 
rivalry. 

The most conspicuous contest of 190 1 was the stoutly 
contested struggle made by Sir Thomas Lipton's 
3'acht Shamrock II. to win the America Cup. To the 
eyes of the philosophic moralist there was a dangerous 
resemblance between the popular interest in the Cup 
races off Sandy Hook and the popular interest of the 
Byzantines in the races between blue and green chariot- 
eers in the circus. 

For a fortnight the progress of the campaign in 
South Africa upon which, we are told, the very exist- 
ence of the Empire depends, was completely obscured 
by the latest telegrams describing the varying fortunes 
of the competitors for the Cup. In this great inter- 
national yacht race we have been beaten decisively. 
Eleven times the British have attempted to lift the 
America Cup, and eleven times have they failed. We 
were beaten on our merits. 

The Americans have built better yachts, and the 
better yacht has won. Sir Thomas Lipton has appar- 
ently not yet made up his mind whether he will make 
a third attempt in 1903, but if he fails no one else 
seems disposed to renew the challenge. It is not with- 
out significance that but for Sir Thomas Lipton, who 

335 



Of Sculling 

is a partially Americanized Irishman, no attempt would 
have been made to dispute the primacy of America. 
On the two previous occasions the challenger was 
Lord Dunraven, who is also an Irishman, while all 
our best yachts are built in Scotland. England, except 
for sail-making, would appear to have definitely quitted 
the field. 

Possibly if the America Cup is to leave the United 
States it may be carried oflF by the Canadians or by 
the Australians, although the latter have as yet shown 
no disposition to enter the lists. But whatever be 
the result, it is admitted that in the designing of 
yachts the Americans have led the way ever since they 
carried ofif the famous Cup in a struggle with rivals 
around the Isle of Wight. 

It was they who made the centre-board and the 
"skimming dish" the potent factors which they are 
to-day, and though there has been a tendency of late 
years to modify these extreme types, the American 
racing machine has permanently modified for good or 
evil the yacht construction of the whole world. 

The only other form of aquatic sport in which the 
general public take a keen interest is that of pair- 
oar sculling, leaving on one side the University eight- 
oar matches. The single sculling championship of 
the world was wrested from Great Britain when E. H. 
Ten Eyck, of Worcester, defeated Blackburne, and 
carried oflf the championship across the Atlantic. 
Difficulties were raised about his rowing at Henley, 
and this year, after having in vain challenged any one 
to contest his claim at the National Regatta on the 
Schuylkill, he retired on his laurels, 

336 



Invasion of the British Turf 

When we come to eight-oar racing, the English Uni- 
versities have retained the lead, but there is no dis- 
position on the part of Yale or Harvard to acquiesce 
in their supremacy. Recently there was an ugly 
moment when it seemed as if the stewards at Henley 
would bar foreign competitors from the Henley 
course. That proposal, which would have been re- 
garded as a practical admission that we dared not 
face our international competitors, was fortunately 
rejected. 

After aquatics the sport which excites the greatest 
interest is the Turf. The year 1901 was famous in 
the annals of the British Turf by the fact that for the 
first time in our history both the great classic races, 
the Derby and the Oaks, were won by Americans. 
Volodyovski was bred by Lady Meux, and was only 
leased by Mr. W. C. Whitney, the American, under 
whose colors it was run. But he was trained by an 
American, Mr. Huggins, and ridden by the American 
jockey, Lester Reiff. 

Mr. Whitney also established a record by handing 
over the Derby stakes to charity. The Oaks was, 
however, a more genuine American victory than the 
Derby, for Cap and Bells H. was bred in the United 
States, owned by Mr. Foxhall Keene, and ridden by 
Martin Henry, the American jockey. The filly was, 
hoAvever, trained by an Englishman. 

The American invasion of the British Turf is no new 
thing. Nearly fifty years ago, Mr. Ten Broeck 
brought over Lexington and her stable companion 
Priorus, who won the Cesarewitch after a dead heat. 

337 



The American Jockey 

Mr. Whitney, who won the Derby this year, and 
threatened to leave the Enghsh turf as the result of 
the sentence upon Lester Reiff by the Jockey Club, 
only began racing in England in 1899. The most 
notable American on the English turf is Mr. Richard 
Croker, who has established himself at Wantage, and 
finds the English racecourse his most delightful tonic. 

Newmarket for 1901 closed in a blaze of triumph 
for the Americans. Of the five leading events, includ- 
ing the Cambridgeshire, only one was won by a horse 
in which Americans were not directly interested. Two 
of the five chief winners were bred in America ; three 
of the winners were trained by an American, and four 
were ridden by American jockeys. 

The American owner is, however, of less importance 
to the mass of the public than the American jockey, 
whose style of riding first startled and then dazzled 
his English competitors. The American jockey sits 
upon the shoulders of his horse, almost on the neck, 
a method of horsemanship which in the opinion of 
Mr. Croker is equivalent to a reduction of the riding 
weight to the extent of half a stone. Sloan and the 
two Reiffs found little difficulty in taking a first place 
among the winning jockeys of the last two or three 
years. 

Unfortunately the brilliance of their success has been 
somewhat marred by the censure passed upon Sloan 
and Lester Reiff by the Jockey Club. The verdict 
upon Reiff was confined solely to one race at Man- 
chester, in which he was accused of not having done 
his best to win. Sloan in 1899 is said to have received 
£15,000 as his riding fees, and to have won as much 

33S 



Horse and Trainer 

more in wagers. Mr. Huggins, who came over with 
Mr. Lorillard, was reputed to have received a salary 
of £10,000 a year, plus a percentage on the winnings of 
the stable. 

There has been a good deal of discussion as to the 
secret of the success of American and American 
trained horses upon the English turf. One theory 
which finds much favor among American authorities 
is that the American liOrse wins for the same reason 
that the American citizen is more energetic than his 
English rivals. Transatlantic breeders do not breed 
in and in like those of England, and they have im- 
ported steadily for years past the very best blood of 
England, France and Australia. They hold that the 
practice of in-breeding tends to make the English horse 
unduly nervous. 

In leaping the American horse holds the record. 
Heatherbloom, last November at New York, cleared 
with ease a barrier 7 ft. 4 ins. high. He was given a 
sixty yards run. In private practice the week before 
he is said to have jumped 7 ft. 8 ins. 

Of the success of the American trainer there can be 
no doubt. Again and again an American trainer has 
taken a horse which was regarded as altogether out of 
the running, and has sent him to the post in such a con- 
dition that he has won stake after stake. For instance, 
Wishard, who turned out more winners in the racing 
season of 1900 than any other American, bought Royal 
Flush for 400 guineas, trained him for an American, 
Mr. Drake; put an American jockey, J. Reifif, upon 
his back, and carried off first the Royal Hunt Cup, 
and then the Steward's Cup at Goodwood. 

339 



Other Sports 

He afterwards won several plates and handicaps, 
and was sold at the end of the season for 1,250 guineas. 
It is the brains of the man rather than the breeding 
of the horse which enables him to gain the victory. In 
one department of racing the Americans have the field 
entirely to themselves. No attempt has ever been 
made in the United Kingdom to rival the fast trotters of 
the United States. At present Cresceus is the cham- 
pion trotter of the world, having broken all records this 
year by covering the mile in two minutes and two and 
a quarter seconds. 

Polo is also taking its place among international 
events. In 1900, American and English teams com- 
peted at Hurlingham, the Americans being beaten by 
eight goals to two. 

In athletic sports, strictly so called, the contests be- 
tween the two nations are kept up very briskly, al- 
though the balance even here inclines to the United 
States. In most quick races in which everything de- 
pends upon the rapidity with which the runner can 
obtain a maximum speed, the Americans beat the more 
phlegmatic Englishman. When Oxford and Cam- 
bridge sent their best men to the United States this 
autumn, the English won the half-mile and the mile 
and the two miles, all these races being carried ofif by 
Cambridge men. The Americans won the hundred 
yards and the quarter mile. 

They were also victorious in hammer throwing, the 
high jump, the broad jump, and 120 yards over 
hurdles. In 1900, when the Americans came over to 
Stamford Bridge, they carried off the prizes for the 

340 



Almost Eclipsed 

100 yards and yi mile races. They were also vic- 
torious in putting the weight, the high jump, throwing 
the hammer, the long jump, and the hurdle race. 

The Americans have beaten us in cycling. In box- 
ing the Americans have had it their own way. The 
championship of the world in the prize ring has gone 
to the United States, and is likely to remain there. 
This, which was at one time the distinctive sport of 
Great Britain, is now practically abandoned to the 
Americans. In golf, which the Americans have taken 
up keenly of late years, we may expect to find a keen 
struggle for the championship. Last year Miss Gene- 
vieve Hecker of Connecticut won the American 
Woman's Championship, at the age of nineteen. 

Hitherto the Americans have not done much in 
cricket, but encouraged by the success with which they 
defeated a second rate English eleven they are now 
preparing to enter the field against us on our own 
ground. 

It is not without significance that the international 
Olympian games, which were revived at the close of 
the nineteenth century by a committee, of which 
Baron de Coubertin is the chairman, should hold their 
next meeting in Chicago. Their first was held at 
Athens. This international athletic contest will last 
for a month to six weeks, and will be held in September, 
1904, The United States Legations and Consuls 
throughout Europe will probably act as agents for 
distributing information and advertising this fixture, 
so as to give it the importance of a great world-wide 
fete. 

34J 



The Americanization of 
the World 

Chapter Sixth 

'^Thc American Invasion" 

It was not till the close of last century that the 
United States could be said to have secured the com- 
mercial primacy of the world.* But the fact that they 
would supersede us had long been foreseen by the more 
prescient amongst us. Conspicuous among these was 
Mr. Gladstone, who in 1878 and again in 1890 ex- 
pressed in the clearest terms his conviction both as to 
the inevitableness of the change, and also, what was 
more important, his view as to the way in which it 
should be regarded by this country : — 

"It is America," he said, "who at a given time and prob- 
ably will wrest from us that commercial primacy. We have 
no title : I have no inclination to murmur at the prospect. 
If she acquires it. she will make the acquisition by the right 

* The following figures condense into a nutshell the story 
of the last thirty years' material progress of the United States. 
[In millions.] 
Products. 1870. 1880. 1890. 1900. 

Wheat (bu.) 287.7 459-4 309-2 S22.2 

Corn (bu.) 760.9 1754-8 1489-9 2105-I 

Cotton (bales) 3-i 5-7 7-3 9-4 

Wool (lbs.) 162.0 232.S 276.0 288.6 

Petroleum (gals., 1877).. 3835 836.3 1476.8 2396.9 
Bit. coal (tons, 1876) 28.9 38-2 99-3 1726 

342 



Gladstone's Prophecy 

of the strongest ; but in this instance the strongest means 
the best. She will probably become what we are now — head 
servant in the great household of the world, the employer 
of all employed, because her service will be the most and 
ablest. We have no more title against her than Venice, or 
Genoa, or Holland has against us." 

The moral which he drew from the certainty of 
our relegation to a secondary position was one to which 
unfortunately we have given but little heed. Mr. 
Gladstone in 1878, as previously in 1866, implored his 
countrymen to recognize the great duty of preparing 
"by a resolute and sturdy effort to reduce our public 
burdens in preparation for a day when we shall prob- 
ably have less capacity than we have now to bear 
them." 

In 1866, when Mr. Gladstone first uttered his mem- 
orable warning as to our prospective loss of com- 
mercial primacy, our national expenditure amounted 
to £66,000,000. Thirty-four years afterwards the ex- 
tent of our response to his appeal for "a sturdy and 
resolute effort" may be gauged by the fact that our 
expenditure for 1900- 1 amounted to £183,592,000 
sterling, and we are still engaged in a war which will 
indefinitely increase the weight of the burdens which 
we shall have to bear in future. 

As to the fact that we could not possibly hope to 
hold our own against the United States, Mr. Glad- 
stone had no doubt whatever. He said : — 

"While we have been advancing with portentous rapidity, 
America is passing us by as if in a canter. There can hardly 
be a doubt, as between America and England, of the belief 
that the daughter at no very distant time (it was written in 
1878) will, whether fairer or less fair, be unquestionably 
yet stronger than the mother." 

343 



Topsy-Turvy Business Methods 

The process, inevitable in any case, would, he 
thought, be accelerated if the Americans adopted Free 
Trade. 

''If America," he wrote in 1890, "shall frankly adopt and 
steadily maintain a system of Free Trade, she will by degrees, 
perhaps not slow degrees, outstrip us in the race, and will 
probably take the place which at present belongs to us; but 
she will not injure us by the operation. On the contrary, 
she will do us good. Her freedom of trade will add to our 
present commerce and our present wealth, so that we shall 
be better than we are now." 

A remark which is hardly consistent with his previ- 
ous warning as to the necessity for our reducing our 
probable burdens on the ground that our capacity to 
bear them would be not greater, but less than it is 
now. 

Few things are more topsy-turvy than the popular 
notions concerning trade. Convictions which are 
most firmly held by millions of people are demonstrably 
false, but they influence legislation, they dictate pol- 
itics, and they dominate public opinion. Take, for 
instance, the balance of trade. It is admitted that all 
trade is barter, and that no nation will part with its 
goods to another nation without receiving a corre- 
sponding equivalent. 

If two persons are doing business with one another, 
and Mr. Jones sends i 1,000 worth of wool to Mr. 
Smith, he expects to receive back goods of equal value. 
On the other hand, if instead of receiving say coal to 
the value of ii.ooo in exchange for the £1,000 worth of 
wool he receives coal only to the value of ijS^^ every 
one would admit, and Mr. Jones first of all, that he 
was £250 to the bad. He sent out goods worth £1,000, 

344 



A Paradox 

and only received in return commodities to the value 
of ^250. 

What can be more obvious? But the moment you 
substitute for INIr. Jones and Mr. Smith two nations, 
and you raise the value from a thousand to a hundred 
millions, people believe and assert that it is an advan- 
tage to export a hundred millions' worth of goods and 
receive only seventy-five millions' worth in exchange. 
If any man went on trading, giving £1,000 vv'orth of 
wool for £750 of coal, every one admits that he would 
go straight to the Bankruptcy Court; but if a nation 
sends out a hundred millions' worth of exports and 
only receives in exchange seventy-five millions, the na- 
tion whose imports are 25 per cent, less than her ex- 
ports declares that the balance of trade is in her favor 
to the extent of twenty-five millions a year ! 

Political economists have repeatedly and labori- 
ously explained that the excess of exports is a balance 
against the exporting nation, but nothing seems to be 
able to shake the inveterate delusion that a nation 
which exports more than it imports makes a profit to 
the extent of the difference. 

That is one paradox. Another which is at present 
even more widely diffused on this side of the Atlantic 
is that a nation is injured when it is able to buy the 
goods that it requires more cheaply from another na- 
tion than they could be produced at home. Take, for 
instance, this question of the so-called American "inva- 
sion." It is obvious that there would be no foothold 
for the American invader in this country if he were 
not welcomed by the inhabitants of this country. 

345 



Why the Invasion Succeeds 

The American invasion succeeds because the Amer- 
ican invaders are able to give the British purchaser 
either better or cheaper goods, so that he gets more 
value for his money than he would get by trading v/ith 
any one else. If the American invasion was a bad 
thing for us, we could only be compelled to take Amer- 
ican goods by compulsion exercised either at the point 
of the bayonet, or in some other way. The very re- 
verse is the fact. The American invasion prospers 
because Englishmen and Europeans find it more to 
their personal interest and individual profit to deal with 
Americans rather than to deal with their own country- 
men. 

The presence of the American invaders in our 
midst is resented as if it were an outrage on inter- 
national amity, as if the Americans bearing gifts in 
their hands were bent upon doing us the greatest pos- 
sible injury. It is, of course, perfectly true that the 
manufacturer who produces dearer goods finds the 
presence of the American competitor who supplies 
cheaper goods or better goods very inconvenient ; and, 
unless he can compete on equal terms, he will go to the 
wall. But if he goes to the wall, he goes there by the 
very choice of the people of this country, each one of 
whom, when he has sixpence to spend, is as absolute as 
any Tsar or Kaiser as to the way in which he will dis- 
pose of that particular coin of the realm which he has 
in his pocket when he goes out to shop. 

It is the more extraordinary that this doctrine should 
have obtained so much hold among Englishmen, of all 
people in the world. Although to-day we are all talk- 

346 



Following the Lead 

ing of the American invasion, for the last hundred 
years it has been the pecuhar glory of Englishmen 
that they have invaded victoriously all the neutral 
markets of the world, and that they have supplied 
cheaper goods and better goods to the inhabitants of 
every continent. It is obvious that what for a hun- 
dred years has been an exploit justifying us in ac- 
claiming ourselves as the benefactors of humanity can- 
not become a cause of complaint when the people who 
are conferring this benefit happen not to be domiciled 
in the United Kingdom, but are English-speaking men 
who are domiciled in the United States of America. 

The outcry which has been made against American 
competition, which may be excused in all protectionist 
countries, is singularly out of |)lace in the mouths of 
the great free-trading nation which, for fifty years past, 
has proclaimed aloud in the hearing of all mankind 
the supreme duty of buying in the cheapest market and 
selling in the dearest. The Americans are only doing 
to-day what we have to the uttermost of our ability 
been endeavoring to do ever since they came into 
existence, and unless the recognized principles of 
political economy upon which we have acted since the 
days of Peel and Gladstone are exploded heresies, the 
presence of these invaders in our midst is not an evil 
but a blessing, however much for the moment it may I^q 
disguised. 

It is therefore in no unfriendly spirit that we direct 
our attention to what, for convenience' sake, we con- 
tinue to call the American invasion. Let us see, in the 
first place, with what weapons these invaders from the 

347 



Britain the Debtor 

New World are able to possess themselves of markets 
which we have hitherto regarded as our own. The 
first and by far the greatest weapon by which the 
Americans have made the economic conquest of the Old 
World is in the supply of foodstuffs. 

The old saying that it is ill to look a gift horse in 
the mouth surely should be borne in mind by those 
who are fed from day to day by the produce of Amer- 
ican wheatfields and the slaughter-yards of Chicago. 
With the exception of the Russian Empire and Hun- 
gary, there is hardly a country in Europe which is 
capable of feeding its own population with the prod- 
ucts of its own fields. Lancashire has boasted and 
still boasts of its achievement in clothing the naked, 
but man needs to fill his stomach even before he covers 
his body, and the feeding of the hungry takes pre- 
cedence as an act of charity of the clothing of the 
naked. 

The ingenuity of American mechanism, and the skill 
of American engineers, have been employed for a 
generation past in reducing the bread-bill of the British 
working man. Incidentally this has brought in its 
wake agricultural depression among a minority of 
our people, but the immense majority have fed and 
grown fat upon American harvests and the beef and 
pork of American farms. If it is an evil thing to 
have cheap bread, then the Americans were undoubt- 
edly doing us an injury. 

If, on the other hand, the very existence of our 
manufactures and our capacity to command the mar- 
kets of the world depends absolutely upon cheap food, 

348 



A Spoon-Fed People 

then the Americans have been of all people our great- 
est benefactors. Imagine, for instance, if some great 
speculator were able to effect such a corner in Amer- 
ican foodstuffs as to absolutely forbid the importation 
of a single carcase or a single cargo of grain, where 
should we be? We should be face to face with famine, 
and the whole forty millions of us would be alternately 
filling the air with execrations against the speculator 
who had cut off our supply of food from the United 
States, or imploring him for the love of God to relax 
his interdict, and allow our people once more to profit 
by drawing supplies from the American store. 

It may be replied that if American supplies were cut 
off, there would be a great revival of agricultural pros- 
perity in this country ; but if the price of the quartern 
loaf were doubled and quadrupled, we should not be 
able to supply sufficient food to feed our population. 
We are absolutely spoon-fed from day to day by the 
Americans. 

Possibly, in time to come, from India, from 
Australia, and from Canada, we may hope to render 
ourselves independent of American produce ; but that 
would be no benefit to the British farmer, and we 
should have to wait many a year before we could se- 
cure from our fellow-subjects the supplies which we 
need from day to day. 

After food, the second great article by which the 
Americans have invaded our markets is raw material, 
notably cotton. It is not yet forty years since Lan- 
cashire was reduced to the verge of starvation by the 
outbreak of the Civil War in America which deprived 

349 



American Benefactions 

it of the raw material of its staple industry. There 
we had actual experience of the stoppage of American 
supplies, an experience the like of which no one who 
lived through the Lancashire cotton famine wishes to 
repeat. 

If we eliminate all food-products and all raw ma- 
terials from American exports, we have accounted for 
a bulk sufficient, and more than sufficient, to pay for 
all our exports to the United States. The cry of 
alarm which has been raised has been produced by 
neither of the two great staples of American exports, 
but by the appearance among us of American manu- 
factured goods. But even here a very large propor- 
tion of the American goods are such as we are either 
unable, or have not yet equipped ourselves sufficiently 
to provide. 

The Americans have brought to us a host of in- 
genious inventions and admirably perfected machines 
which we are incapable of producing for ourselves. 
No one can say that in sending us the typewriter, the 
sewing-machine, the Linotype, the automobile, the 
phonograph, the telephone, the elevator, and the in- 
candescent electric light, they invaded any British 
industry. These things were their inventions. After 
they were introduced, we imitated some of them or 
invented others on the same principle, but they first 
opened up the new fields. They were as much bene- 
factors to us in this respect as the missionary who in- 
troduces ploughs to a savage tribe which never used 
anything but the spade and hoe. 

That each and all these inventions were benefits to 

350 



Laggards in Trade 

us is attested by the fact that we have bought them 
eagerly, and continue to buy them. Several of our 
manufacturers who have been taught by Americans 
how to make these things, yet cry out that they are 
being invaded and ruined by American competition, 
whereas but for the Americans these appliances would 
never have been in demand in this country. 

It is not until we come to the fourth category of 
American imports that we come upon ground in which 
there is a semblance of justification for the complaint 
that our manufacturers or our workmen are injured 
by American competition. This covers the wide field 
in which our people have failed to produce articles 
comparable in excellence to those which the Americans 
have offered us. 

Conspicuous in this category are printing-machines, 
in which the American firm of Hoe introduced a stand- 
ard of excellence which immeasurably out-distances 
the machines with which our fathers did their print- 
ing. After printing-machines come the whole range 
of machinery and appliances necessary for the utili- 
zation of electricity. 

In this respect we have lagged so far behind the 
Americans that our manufacturers simply could not 
supply the apparatus necessary for harnessing elec- 
tricity to the service of modern industry. 

The Americans have done with electricity what the 
British did with steam at the beginning of the last 
century. 

We were the first to realize the incalculable develop- 
ment that was latent in the invention of Bolton and 

351 



The Proof of the Pudding 

Watt. We got in ahead of the rest of the world, and 
we profited accordingly. All the nations came to us 
for steam-engines, just as we are going to the United 
States for dynamos and all the elaborate, ingenious 
and costly apparatus necessary for working electric 
trolleys, "Twopenny Tubes," and so forth. Here no 
fair-minded man can say that we have any reason to 
complain. 

It is the early bird that catches the worm, and if we 
did not wake up to the immense potentiality of elec- 
tricity, electric motors, electric power machines, and 
electric traction, that is our fault, and we have no one 
to blame but ourselves. We want these things. We 
want them now. We cannot afiford to wait until our 
neighbors in the next street wake up to a conscious- 
ness of the fact that fortunes are to be made in the 
supply of electrical apparatus. Therefore we go to 
our kinsmen across the sea. That they are willing and 
ready to supply us is a thing we should be grateful 
for. As a matter of fact as individuals we are thank- 
ful to them, the best proof of which is that we are will- 
ing to pay them millions of money for the privilege of 
being supplied with the machines which we want. 

As it is with the appliances necessary for the util- 
ization of electricity, so it is to a greater or less extent 
with what may be described as tools of precision neces- 
sary for turning out the exact work needed in the mod- 
ern engineering industry. Fifteen years ago Sir 
Hiram Maxim complained bitterly to me of the fact 
that when he came over to this country to manufac- 
ture Maxim guns, he found it impossible to buy in all 

352 



American Exports 

Britain the tools which he needed. The old tools, 
compared to what he needed, were as the flint tools of 
our early ancestors to a steel knife. 

The perfect tool represents an advance in civiliza- 
tion. The clumsy and ineffective tool is a mark of 
barbarism. Savages no doubt object to be civilized, 
but it is not for us to complain that we have been, how- 
ever reluctantly, forced first to use and then to manu- 
facture the more effective tools, which were first 
brought into use by our American kinsmen. 

A very interesting little book by Mr. Fred Mac- 
kenzie, "The Invaders." has been published recently. 
It consists of a reprint of a series of articles which 
originally appeared in the columns of the Daily Mail. 
Mr. Mackenzie is one of the rising younger pressmen of 
London, and his little book deserves the attentive pe- 
rusal of all persons interested in this subject. Mr. Mac- 
kenzie writes a bright and lively style, but when you 
examine his book you will find that most of the 
triumphs of which the American invaders have to 
boast are in fields which we have left them free to 
occupy. 

Typewriters, he tells us, are imported from New 
York at an average value of £200,000 a year. The 
British Government had to buy their telephones for 
London from the Western Electric Company of 
Chicago. In electric traction half of the motors on 
British street cars are American. 

The Central Railway Company was equipped by the 
New York General Electric Company, and another 
New York firm boasts that they have supplied eleven 

353 



American Exports 

of the leading street electric tramlines in Great Britain. 
The new West London lines and two dozen others 
are supplied with a street car equipment from New 
York. 

The Eastman Kodak Company imports £200,000 
worth of American photographic apparatus every year. 
A similar amount of money is spent every year in the 
purchase of American sewing machines. The sale of 
American drugs in Great Britain amounts to very 
nearly a quarter of a million a year. The Americans 
are importing soda-water fountains, blouses for 
women, carpet-sweepers, darning machines, patching 
up apparatus, and all manner of similar inventions 
which we had not even the sense to desire nor the in- 
genuity to produce upon the market. Our purchase 
of American pumps and pumping-machines, American 
pipes and fittings represent between £300,000 and 
£400,000 a year. 

The American machnie tool, Mr. Mackenzie says, 
is triumphant everywhere. Fifty American anneal- 
ing furnaces are in use at Woolwich Arsenal, and in 
Sheffield the makers are using an American apparatus. 
The most effective passage in Mr. Mackenzie's book is 
the following: — 

*Tn the domestic life we have got to this : The 
average man rises in the morning from his New Eng- 
land sheets, he shaves with 'Williams' ' soap and a 
Yankee safety razor, pulls on his Boston boots over 
his socks from North Carolina, fastens his Connec- 
ticut braces, slips his Waltham or Waterbury watch 
in his pocket, and sits down to breakfast. There he 
354 



American Exports 

congratulates his wife on the way her IlHnois straight- 
front corset sets off her Massachusetts blouse, and he 
tackles his breakfast, where he eats bread made from 
prairie flour (possibly doctored at the special estab- 
lishments on the lakes), tinned oysters from Balti- 
more and a little Kansas city bacon, while his^' wife 
plays with a slice of Chicago ox-tongue. The chil- 
dren are given 'Quaker' oats. At the same time he 
reads his morning paper printed by American ma- 
chines, on American paper, with American ink, and, 
possibly, edited by a smart journalist from New York 
city. 

"He rushes out, catches the electric tram (New 
York) to Shepherd's Bush, where he gets in a Yan- 
kee elevator to take him on to the American-fitted elec- 
tric railway to the City. 

"At his office, of course, everything is American. 
He sits on a Nebraskan swivel chair, before a Michigan 
roll-top desk, writes his letters on a Syracuse type- 
writer, signing them with a New York fountain pen, 
and drying them with a blotting-sheet from New 
England. The letter copies are put away in files man- 
ufactured in Grand Rapids. 

"At lunch-time he hastily swallows some cold roast 
beef that comes from the Mid-West cow, and flavors 
it with Pittsburg pickles, followed by a few Delaware 
tinned peaches, and then soothes his mind with a couple 
of Virginia cigarettes. 

"To follow his course all day would be wearisome. 
But when evening comes he seeks relaxation at the 
latest American musical comedy, drinks a cocktail or 

355 



Mr. Carnegie's Opinion 

some Californian wine, and finishes up with a couple 
of 'little liver pills' 'made in America.' " 

What will be the ultimate destiny of Great Britain 
from an economic point of view ? It depends upon the 
Britons. Mr. Carnegie is of a different opinion. He 
thinks it depends upon the mineral resources of the 
country. Three years ago he laid down as an axiom 
that "raw materials have now power to attract capital, 
and also to attract and develop labor for their manu- 
facture in close proximity, and that skilled labor is 
losing the power it once had to attract raw materials 
to it from afar." 

If this be an axiom, then our cotton mills will 
migrate from Lancashire to the Southern States of 
America. The iron trade of the world will be local- 
ized at Pittsburg. Mr. Carnegie, who is a philosopher 
in his way, maintains that no nation in future will be 
able permanently to maintain a greater population 
than it can feed and support with its own products. 

"The destiny of the Old Country seems to me very 
plain. You will be the family seat of the race. Your 
mxanufactures will go one after the other, but you 
v/ill become more and more popular as the garden and 
pleasure-ground of the race, which will always regard 
Great Britain as its ancestral home. Probably you will 
be able to support 15,000,000, not more." 

It is well to cultivate a healthy scepticism concerning 
all such predictions. So far as we can see from the 
trend of events at the present moment the producing 
power of Great Britain is likely to undergo an immense 
increase, because Grea-t Britain is beginning to be 

356 



I 



The Awakening 

energized by the electric current of American ideas 
and American methods. Lord Rosebery recently 
said : — 

"In these days we need to be inoculated with some 
of the nervous energy of Americans. That is true of 
individuals, admittedly true, but is it not also true of 
the nation?" 

He uttered a truth which is even now being largely 
acted upon. For the last twelve months there has 
been a constant pilgrimage across the Atlantic from 
the Old Country, in which our manufacturers, our rail- 
way managers, our ship-builders, our iron-makers, our 
merchant princes, have been wending their way to the 
United States for the purpose of learning the secret, 
by which the Americans are beginning to beat us in 
our own market. The British race is a tough race, and 
it has long been a national boast that the Englishman 
never knows when he is beaten. 

But that is not the only encouraging sign. Here and 
there all over the country we can see British firms 
adopting American methods, and beating the Ameri- 
cans at their own game. In the supply of electrical ap- 
paratus, a British firm in the north of England, which 
has frankly recognized the conditions of modern in- 
dustry, has imported American managers. American 
machinery and American methods, and is already be- 
ginning successfully to compete with the American 
companies for the supply of all manner of electrical 
appliances. 

What the Preston Electric Company have done others 
are doing. The attempt of the Americans to rush the 

357 



Colonizing Great Britain 

cycle trade proved the British bicycle more than cap- 
able of holding its own against the American cycle. 
The American watch for a time swept everything be- 
fore it. The English, at any rate, have shown that 
they are capable of holding their own. They are lay- 
ing down plant in London for the making and supply- 
ing of office furniture which will compete with, the 
best American. 

Depend upon it that John Bull is not going to take 
his beating lying down, but the enterprise of English 
firms will hardly be able to cope with the increasing 
numbers of Americans who are crossing the Atlantic 
for the purpose of establishing themselves in business 
here. The most conspicuous illustration of this mov- 
ing of American capital back to the old home of the 
race is the Westinghouse Company's works near Man- 
chester, directed by American managers, and managed 
on American principles. With these Americans who 
settle in our midst the Old Country will become the 
new home of the American colonists. 

One American institution, the New York Mutual 
Life Insurance, occupies a most palatial pile of build- 
ings in the city of London, and its manager, an Amer- 
ican born, is more British than a Britisher. 

The American soda-water fountain is now manu- 
factured in the city of London. Before long we shall 
see established in our midst American hotels, and al- 
ready at the corner of Wellington Street and the 
Strand, on the site occupied by the Morning Post office 
and the old Gaiety Theatre, a building is being erected 
which, according to its promoters, will be the largest 

358 



He Who Laughs Last 

building to be used as an office in the world. Before 
long, Siegel, Cooper & Co., and Mr. Wanamaker will 
be setting up their huge stores in our midst. 

Mr. Yerkes is preparing to electrify the Under- 
ground, and revolutionize the whole of our street rail- 
ways. Mr. Milholland and Mr. Batchelar are im- 
patiently w^aiting for permission to lay down pneu- 
matic tubes all over London by which all parcels will 
be shot underground from one end of London to the 
other. John Bull will have to smarten up ; there will 
be a difficult quarter of an hour for the old gentleman, 
but the results will probably astonish no one so much 
as those Americans who have been calmly selling the 
lion's skin before the lion was dead. 



359 



The Americanization of 
the World 



Chapter Seventh 

Railways, Shipping and Trusts 

Although there are 200,000 miles of railway in the 
United States alone, the railway itself is but a thing of 
yesterday. A curious reminder of this was afforded 
us this year by the unearthing in Iowa by some enter- 
prising pressmen of the very man who drove Stephen- 
son's "Rocket" on the eventful day when on the open- 
ing of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway the train 
knocked down and killed Mr. Huskisson. Edward 
Entwhistle was a Lancashire lad of eighteen when 
George Stephenson took him out of the engine-shop 
and put him at the throttle of the "Rocket" on the open- 
ing day. He is now a man of eighty-six. 

After acting as engine-driver on the Liverpool and 
Manchester for over two years, he emigrated to Amer- 
ica in 1837, where he took up the trade of stationary 
engineer. He is still in good health and sufficiently 
alert to be capable of giving occasional addresses on 
his reminiscences of Stephenson, in which, judging 
from the newspaper reports, Mr. Huskisson reappears 

360 



The Bridge Builders 

as Lord Erkinson, so that the span of a single life 
easily covers the whole of the railway era. 

It may be regarded as symbolic that the first engine- 
driver should so soon have emigrated to the United 
States, as if divining by some secret unconscious in- 
stinct that it was there the genius of Stephenson would 
bear its richest fruits. By every test, whether quanti- 
tative or qualitative, the American stands out facile 
princeps in all things connected with the railway. To 
begin with, he has built nearly half the railways in the 
world. 

Not only has he spanned his own continent with a 
perfect gridiron of metalled way, but he is now carry- 
ing off contracts for the bridge work, which, with the 
exception of tunnelling, constitutes the most diffi- 
cult and delicate of all the operations of railway struc- 
ture. But it was only yesterday that their pre-emi- 
nence as bridge builders dawned upon the British pub- 
lic, which has even yet hardly recovered from the 
shock of discovering that all the Queen's horses and 
all the Queen's men were incapable of conquering the 
Soudan without resorting to the humiliating necessity 
of accepting an American tender for the building of a 
bridge across the Atbara. 

The British could have built it themselves, no doubt, 
but they could not do the work up to time. Few in- 
cidents caused more chagrin, and the most conclusive 
explanations were speedily forthcoming to prove how 
easily the British builders could have done the task if 
they had only had a reasonable notice and been treated 
with reasonable fairness. 

Z6\ 



Bridging the World 

These explanations, apparently conclusive, tempo- 
rarily allayed John Bull's ill-humor, but it was only for 
a time. Last autumn the American Bridge Company 
carried off contracts for constructing no fewer than 
twenty-eight bridges and viaducts required to com- 
plete the Uganda Railway. 

The work is now in active progress, and the bridges 
are in process of shipment across the Atlantic for 
Uganda, one of the territories which was occupied for 
the express purpose of developing British trade in 
South Africa. Money is being poured out like water 
in order to secure this market for British manufac- 
tured goods, and lo ! the American steps in and carries 
off the contracts for building these bridges without 
having incurred a penny of expense or an atom of 
responsibility in opening up the country. 

The same thing is occtirring in other parts of the 
world. The Americans have just built the largest 
bridge in the world over the Goktein in Upper Burma. 
And as it is with bridges, so it promises to be with 
rails. Mr. Rhodes experienced a cruel shock when 
in opening tenders for the construction of the south- 
ern end of his Cape to Cairo Railway, he discovered 
that Mr. Carnegie was able to deliver steel rails in 
South Africa at a lower price than any English manu- 
facturer. 

The patriotic pride of the South African Colossus 
prompted him to take advantage of a technical flaw 
in Mr. Carnegie's contract in order to accept the ten- 
der of a British firm ; but to this day he feels uneasy at 
the remembrance of the subterfuge to which he had 

362 



Ten Per Cent. Preferences 

to resort in order to keep the trade in British hands. 
"It would have been too bad," he said, somewhat pa- 
thetically, "to think of my Cape to Cairo line being 
made with American rails !" 

In war, as in peace, it is the same thing. While the 
Imperial Government was importing American mules 
by the thousand from New Orleans to give mobility 
to its flying columns at the seat of war, the Cape Gov- 
ernment was placing contracts with American engi- 
neers for engines which could not be supplied from 
British workshops, even although, as the Colonial 
Government plaintively explained, it gave a ten per 
cent, preference to British manufactures. But it is 
impossible long to carry on business in which con- 
tracts, like kissing, go by favor, and not to the best 
tender ; and such devices as ten per cent, preferences 
and the like are neither more nor less than a confession 
of defeat. If British engineers can only hold their 
own with a ten per cent, adverse handicap against 
their American competitors, the question is ended, and 
the superiority of the Yankee is attested by the very 
terms of the competition insisted upon by his rival. 

As it is with bridges and with rails, so it is even 
more conspicuously with American locomotives. 
They are not artistic toys, the giant engines which do 
the haulage of a continent, neither do they require 
one month in the paintshop, as is said to be the case in 
our own Midland Railway. But they are the strong- 
est haulers in the world, and they go at the greatest 
speed. America holds the world's record both for 
speed at all distances and for the weight of the 

363 



American Locomotives 

trains hauled by a single locomotive. Philadelphia 
railway expresses are constantly timed to run at 
sixty ?siv miles an hour, and it is nothing unusual 
for trains when under pressure to dash along the 
metal way at the rate of eighty to eighty-four miles an 
hour. The tendency is ever towards more and more 
powerful engines, with heavier haulage capacity. 

The Americans laugh to scorn what they regard as 
the toy cars in use in the Old World. At one time 
their average freight cars weighed ten tons, and only 
carried their own weight. To-day they weigh fifteen 
tons and carry thirty. A single engine will grapple a 
quarter of a mile of these cars, loaded to their utmost 
capacity, and make no complaint if half a dozen extra 
are hitched on behind. The result of this continual 
development in the direction of greater haulage capa- 
city is that the freight on American railways is about 
half what it is in this country. 

The United States at one time imported locomotives 
from this country. They are now exporting loco- 
motives to all parts of the British Empire. Recently 
the reputation of the American engine has been some- 
what prejudiced, first, by the inferior quality of loco- 
motives sent to Australia ; secondly, by an adverse 
report made by the Locomotive Superintendent of the 
Midland Railway as to the extra working cost of an 
American engine. He reported that as the result of 
a six months' trial, the American engine cost 20 to 25 
per cent, more for fuel, 50 per cent, more for oil, and 
60 per cent, more for repairs. This report was re- 
ceived with a chorus of delight in English papers; 

364 



Interesting Comparisons 

but, as was immediately pointed out by an American 
writer in an interesting paper published in the World -^ 
Work for November, under the title of "The American 
Locomotive x^broad," the Midland Report was far 
from conclusive for several reasons. 

First, the so-called American engines were not of 
the pure American type, but were modified to meet 
English ideas ; secondly, the report gives no informa- 
tion as to the amount of coal burned, oil used, or 
money spent in repairs. The American locomotives 
may have burned 25 per cent, more coal, but, on the 
other hand, they may have been capable of hauling 50 
per cent, more freight ; and as for the repairs, 60 per 
cent, against the Americans looks very formidable, 
but if the total repairs on either engine did not amount 
to more than 10^., a difference even of 100 per cent, 
would mean nothing. All attempts to draw informa- 
tion from the Midland superintendent on this point 
have failed to elicit any facts beyond those contained 
in the report. 

It is a notable fact, says the writer of the article al- 
ready quoted, that the first American locomotive ever 
imported into England was built sixty years ago for 
the purpose of enabling the English railway manager 
to prove that it was possible to haul loaded trains up 
a steep incline in the Birmingham-Gloucester Rail- 
way. Four engines Vv'ere ordered in 1840, and they 
triumphantly accomplished their task. Thus, says Mr. 
Cunnliff, the author of "The American Locomotive 
Abroad," the Birmingham and Gloucester line, on 
which the American engines first made their reputa- 

365 



Locomotive Exports 



tion, is now part of the Alidland, whose officers have 
recently tried to ruin that reputation. The engines 
of 1840 and those of 1900 were both built in the same 
workshops. 

The Baldwin Locomotive Works of Philadelphia 
alone export about one locomotive a day, year in, 
year out. In 1899 and 1900 they shipped 701 locomo- 
tives to the following countries : — 



Canada 
Alaska 
Porto Rico 
Ecuador 
Chile 



England 
Belgium 
Norway 



Manchuria 
Japan 



Algeria 
Uganda 



NORTH AND SOUTH AMERICA. 

Nova Scotia Newfoundland British Columbia 

Mexico Costa Rica Cuba 

Hawaii Yucatan San Domingo 

Colombia Peru Brazil 



EUROPE. 
Ireland France 

Holland Bavaria 

Sweden Finland 

ASIA AND AUSTRALIA. 
Siberia India 

Burma Assam 

AFRICA. 
Tunis Soudan 

Cape Colony- 



Spain 

Denmark 

Russia 



China 
Victoria 



Egypt 



This represents themajorpartof the American trade, 
for the other firms only brought the total export up to 
525 engines for one year. For heavy hauls on steep 
gradients the American engines appear to leave all 
their rivals far behind. There is said to be only one 
English locomotive left in the United States. It is on 
the Pennsylvania Railroad, and its driver is said to 
have reported as follows : 'Tt is a good enough engine 

366 



Contrasted Methods 

when it has nothing to do, but when it has a load be- 
yond its drawbar, it sits down and looks at you with 
tears in its eyes." 

Patriotic prejudice, no doubt, impedes for a time 
the introduction of American locomotives into many 
countries, and in Russia it would seem the distribution 
of orders is often governed more by political than by 
commercial considerations. Another obstacle against 
which they have to contend, is that their enormous 
weight requires the rebuilding of bridges and relay- 
ing of contracts. 

Mr. Cunnliff tells a story that an English firm, hav- 
ing received notice that the engines which they sup- 
plied to New Zealand were unsuited to the colonial 
tracks and bridges, replied : "Then rebuild your tracks 
and bridges, and we will furnish you with this sort 
of locomotives or none." Mr. Cunnlifif maintains that 
an American builder would have replied, "Expect 
new designs by the first of the month." This is no 
doubt true, but as a matter of fact the American loco- 
motive builder is compelling the reconstruction of 
tracks and bridges, none the less certainly because he 
is less domineering in relation to individual contrac- 
tors. The American practice of standardizing all 
parts of the machine, and of continually increasing 
the weight in order to get a still increased haulage 
power, necessitates alteration in the permanent way, 
for the railway in the long run has aKvays to be built 
to suit the locomotive, not the locomotive to suit the 
railway. 

Air. Cunnliff thus lucidly explains the contrast be- 

367 



Contrasted Methods 

tween engine-building in the New World and the Old : 
"An American builder builds an engine to wear it out. 
Scrupulous attention is paid to all working parts, as 
any one can see who visits a great locomotive plant. 
The mechanism of each machine is made easily acces- 
sible. Parts are interchangeable, so that repairs can 
be made with speed. No unnecessary paint is wasted. 
As soon as the machine is finished, it is put in com- 
mission and driven day and night with the heaviest 
loads it can stagger under. It goes into the repair 
shop only when it requires overhauling. Men are 
hired to run it at good wages, men of ability and intel- 
ligence, with a typically American personal interest 
in their charge. Under such methods the engine is 
banged through a quarter century of strenuous ac- 
tivity, and then antiquated, worn out, superseded by 
advanced types, it goes to the scrap heap. The result 
is profit. 

'Tn England — and in France, for that matter — an 
engine is built to last. Twenty years after it has been 
superseded by newer and better types, a locomotive is 
as tenderly cared for as ever. The result is decreas- 
ing dividends." 

Of course, if, as Mr. Cunnliff asserts, Americans can 
deliver engines in Japan at £2,000, which do better 
work than English engines which cost £3,000, it is 
out of the question to talk about competition, except 
such competition as is said to prevail between Lombard 
Street and a China orange. The moral of it all is in 
this, as in every thing else, that the American success 

368 



Startling Figures 

has been obtained by skilled workmanship and busi- 
nessHke methods. 

Mr. Chauncey M. Depevv in his address to railway 
men at the Buffalo Exhibition gave some very interest- 
ing figures as to the growth of the American railroad. 
Railway freight rates in the United States were, he 
said, almost exactly one-third of what they were when 
he entered the service in 1866. At the same time the 
wages of the railway men have nearly doubled, the 
precise increase being 873/2 per cent. 

As there are more than a million of them, the gain 
in the weekly wage bill of America from this source 
alone is enormous. Their annual pay bill for wages is 
£125,000,000, or 60 per cent, of the cost of operating 
the lines. The United States with only 6 per cent, 
of the land surface of the world has 40 per cent, of 
the railroad track. Its 193,000 mileage is six times 
that of any other nation, and Mr. Depew declares that 
they haul more freight every year than is moved by all 
the railways and all the ships of Great Britain, France, 
and Germany combined. 

An American engine recently hauled a train three- 
fourths of a mile in length at the rate of 20 miles an 
hour. The gross weight behind the engine was over 
3,000 tons. Another engine on a New York railway 
developed 1,142 horse power. The average load of 
an American freight train is 2,000 tons, that of the 
English only 600. The General Superintendent of 
the London and Western Railway, who has just re- 
turned from an inspection of American lines, reported 



369 



British Ship-Building 

that in passenger traffic we have little to learn, but 
that we ought to revolutionize our goods traffic. 

He said : "Our freight system is wasteful. Amer- 
ican goods engines can haul two or three times as 
much weight by one train as we can. We must have 
heavier goods locomotives. We must also have air 
brakes on goods trains. At present the only brakes 
on our trains are the engine brakes and the brakes at 
the end of the train. In consequence of improved 
appliances the American railways not only haul 
heavier freights, but run much faster than ours. I 
shall urge the extension of the American system of 
pneumatic signalling for interlocking, which gives 
such excellent results on American lines." 

In ship-building we are holding our own. It is 
true that the Americans have begun to build a few 
ships, but as yet they have been badly beaten in any 
attempt to produce ships at the prices at which they 
can be turned out on the Tyne, the Clyde, or at 
Belfast. 

Whether we shall be able permanently to maintain 
our position in ship-building, or victoriously to repel 
any further attacks upon our iron and steel manu- 
factures, are questions for the answers to which we 
have to wait. But there is certainly no reason to 
despair. Our manufacturers have as much work as 
they can get through, and so far we have not seen any 
great branch of British industry disorganized and its 
workmen thrown out of employment owing to the ad- 
vent of the American invaders. 

In the building of swift ocean greyhounds we are 

370 



American Ship-Building 

beaten by Germany as in the building of racing yachts 
we are beaten by America. And although we still can 
plume ourselves upon our ability to build more 
cheaply than any other nation, this may not last. Dr. 
von Halle, who was sent out by the German Admiralty 
to make an investigation of the shipyards of Europe 
and America, reported that the new Camden works in 
New Jersey were destined to be one of the model 
establishments -of the world. 

Dr. von Halle reported that "the shipyards of the 
United States are incomparably equipped for thorough, 
economical and rapid production. This is due pri- 
marily to the splendid transportation arrangements of 
the yard areas, the employment of the most improved 
type of hoisting machinery, and the widespread use 
of pneumatic tools." They would, he thought, distance 
in the near future those of Great Britain, because they 
were free from the "tyranny of the workmen." 

The Americans, who have been carrying all before 
jthem on the land, would have been false to their an- 
cestry if they did not hanker after dominion on the 
sea. Captain Mahan, whose book on Sea Power has 
done more to promote the increase of the Navy botl^ 
in Great Britain and in Germany than any book that 
has ever been written, preached his doctrine primarily 
for his own people. 

President Roosevelt is an enthusiast for a strong 
Navy. He does not say in the Kaiser's phrase that 
America's future lies upon the sea, because he would 
scorn to confine America's future to any element, even 
to that which covers three-fourths of the world's sur- 

37J 



Building a Navy 

face. But although the Americans have a Navy very 
nearly equal to that of Germany, they are not satis- 
fied. They have few over-sea possessions to protect, 
and despite various fantastic schemes published by 
German officers as to a possible descent of a German 
expeditionary force on the Atlantic seaboard, they 
know perfectly well that they are safe from European 
attack. 

Nothing will satisfy them but that they must have 
ships of commerce and ships of war. As to ships of 
war this is merely a matter of expenditure, and as the 
embarrassment of the Secretary of the Treasury is to 
get rid of the surplus which is unnecessarily taken 
from the taxpayers in excess of the needs of the Repub- 
lic, there is nothing to hinder the United States build- 
ing up as big a Navy as that of Great Britain. 

When a nation has a large mercantile marine the 
existence of so many tons of shipping is regarded as 
an unanswerable argument in favor of building iron- 
clads to protect its shipping. In the United States 
they have no shipping to protect, so they build a fleet 
first, and then say they must create a mercantile marine 
in order to keep the building-yards busy, and in order 
to rear sailors to man their fighting Navy. 

It was this aspiration after ships which led Mr. J. 
P. Morgan to make the famous purchase of the Ley- 
land line of steamers, which may be regarded as the 
first note of the tocsin which has been ringing in our 
ears ever since. It is not twelve months since Britain 
was startled by the news that Mr. Morgan, on behalf 
of an American combination, had bought up the entire 

372 



The Sale of Ocean Fleets 

fleet of Leyland steamers on terms which were much 
better than the shareholders could have obtained from 
any other purchaser. 

The suddenness with which the deal was effected, 
and the fact that Mr. Morgan was not an English- 
man, and that the Leyland ships were bought on an 
American account, struck the imagination of the whole 
English-speaking race. British shipowners took the 
matter more coolly than the British public, for British 
shipowners in dealing with their ships are very much 
like the American engineers in handling their engines. 
Just as an American is always anxious to work his en- 
gine out so that he may get a new one with the latest 
improvements, so the British shipbuilder has never any 
objection to sell an old ship in order to raise funds 
with which to build a new one. 

The Chairman of the Peninsular and Oriental Ship- 
ping Company was far from holding up his hands in 
holy horror at the Leyland deal, but declared that he 
would be very glad to sell the whole fleet of the P. and 
O. if terms equally good were offered him by the 
Americans or any one else. To get new ships for old 
has never been regarded as bad policy by our ship- 
owners. It is possible that they may carry things a 
little too far, as, for instance, when two British linesi 
of steamers trading in the Far East were sold to the 
Germans with the result that the British flag practi- 
cally disappeared from Bangkok, Borneo, and other 
regions. 

The significance of the incident arose from the fact 
that it indicated a determination on the part of the 

373 



Mr. Gage's Opinion 

Americans to acquire a ready-made fleet, from which 
we may draw the conclusion that they were so eager 
to create a mercantile marine that they were willing 
to take secondhand goods rather than wait until new 
ships could be bought. 

Mr. Gage, in the Report which he presented to Con- 
gress at the beginning of the last session, pointed out 
that only 8.2 per cent, of American exports and imports 
were carried in American ships. This percentage, 
says Mr. Gage, "is the smallest in our history. Our 
position on the sea, except as a naval power, is insig- 
nificant. The Americans have only one line of steam- 
ers crossing the Atlantic to Europe, two lines of seven 
steamers crossing the Pacific to Asia, and one line of 
three steamers to Australia. South of the Caribbean 
Sea and the Isthmus there is no regular communica- 
tion by American steamers with either coast of South 
America. 

"This state of things appears deplorable to the nation 
which produces more materials for ship-building than 
any other, and whose artisans are quite competent to 
construct the best ships that have ever crossed the 
waves. We build few ships for foreign trade," says 
Mr. Gage. "It is desirable that we should build 
many. We have very few ships under the flag in 
foreign trade. It is desirable that we should have 
many." Therefore he recommends as a temporary 
expedient that navigation bounties should be estab- 
lished in order to overcome the obstacle created by the 
fact that Great Britain can build her ships cheaper and 
man them more economically than i^mericans. 

374 



The Trusts 

As the Republican party is split upon the question 
of ship-building bounties, it is difficult for outsiders 
to estimate what chance there is of the acceptance of 
Mr. Gage's proposal. 

The thorny and much debated question of trusts 
was raised in this country in an active shape by the 
action of Mr. Morgan. At first the spectacle of the 
Billion Dollar Trust disturbed the equanimity of the 
British public. But after a time people began to re- 
member that the two most conspicuous figures in Brit- 
ish Imperialism both acquired the fortunes which ren- 
dered it possible for them to become politically influ- 
ential by means of trusts. The De Beers Company is 
one of the most gigantic amalgamations in the world. 

One by one the competing interests of the diamond- 
mine owners in South Africa were bought up or 
acquired, until at last Mr. Rhodes and his fellow direc- 
tors had an absolute monopoly of the diamond in- 
dustry of South Africa. Mr. Rhodes was the pre- 
cursor of Mr. Morgan. For the Rockefeller of Brit- 
ain we look nearer home. No one has made any com- 
plaint of the legitimacy of the methods adopted by 
Mr. Morgan or Mr. Rhodes in the buying up of the 
competing interests. It is far otherwise with the 
methods adopted by Mr. Rockefeller, when he built 
up the gigantic monopoly which is known as the 
Standard Oil Trust of the United States. 

No small portion of the odium which exists in this 
country against the American trusts in any shape or 
form is due to the influence of Mr. Lloyd's book, 
"Wealth against Commonwealtli," in which the whole 

375 



The Trusts 

of the process of building up a gigantic monopoly is 
described with merciless lucidity. The spectacle is 
not a pleasing one. We have fortunately nothing in 
the annals of our trade that can be compared to this 
extraordinary conspiracy of capital to crush out com- 
petition by the use of every method, fair or unfair, 
which did not land the conspirators within the grip of 
the criminal law. But the art of building up a great 
property by crushing out competition, without depart- 
ing one hair's-breadth from the line of strict legality, 
was one in which Mr. Chamberlain was a past master 
who had no need to go to school beyond the Atlantic. 

Upon trusts, as upon every other economic question, 
there is a great difference of opinion. The late Gov- 
ernor Pingree of Michigan saw in the trust a kind of 
anti-Christ whose advent in these latter times dark- 
ened the horizon of the Republic. On the other hand, 
there is a tendency in many quarters to regard the 
trust as a practical and by no means illegitimate ap- 
plication of the principle of the elimination of wasteful 
expense and the cheapening of goods for the general 
consumer. 

After considerable dubitation, President Roosevelt 
seems to have come to the conclusion that it is better 
to take the optimistic view of the Trust, and in his in- 
augural address he confines himself to a suggestion 
that it would be well to turn the bull's-eye of publicity 
upon the trust, and to insist upon due investigation 
of all its financial methods. This is probably as far 
as any President of the United States could go at 
present. 

376 



The Trusts 

Of the future of Trusts there is much speculation. 
Some, among whom is Sir Christopher Furness, M. P., 
who has just returned from a long tour of inspection 
in the United States, think that they will pass with the 
impending adoption of Free Trade. It is, however, 
by no means a self-evident proposition that the Amer- 
ican Trust system will not survive Free Trade. It 
may even be the instrument for bringing in Free 
Trade. To the ordinary observer it seems much more 
probable that the Trust will spread to the United King- 
dom than that it will disappear from the United 
States. 

There is no doubt, of course, that the Tariff and the 
Trusts play into each other's hands for the purpose 
of picking the pocket of the American consumer. 
The Industrial Commission, which has just concluded 
its inquiry into the whole question, found from the 
replies received from over one hundred manufacturers 
that American manufactures are often sold at lower 
prices abroad than in the United States. 

The home market being secured by the exclusion 
of foreign goods, the unfortunate American consumer 
pays through the nose in order that the American pro- 
ducer may supply the foreigner at cut rates. To sell 
the foreigner the best American goods 25 per cent, 
below the prices charged to Americans may be very 
good for the foreigner, but it can hardly be regarded 
as good Americanism. Perhaps it may be accepted 
as an illegitimate kind of compensation awarded to 
the foreigner for the penalties inflicted upon his goods 
by the Tariff. 

377 



President Roosevelt on Trusts 

How to cope with the abuses of Trusts* is a sub- 
ject which President Roosevelt has frequently dis- 
cussed. His message to the New York Legislature 
in January, 1900, when he was Governor of New York, 
should be read in connection with his reference to the 
subject in his inaugural already quoted. Speaking 
as Governor of New York, he said: — 

"The chief abuses alleged to arise from Trusts are 
probably the following: Misrepresentation or conceal- 
ment regarding material facts connected with the or- 
ganization of an enterprise: the evils connected with 
unscrupulous promotion; overcapitalization; unfair 
competition resulting in crushing out of competitors 
who themselves do not act improperly; raising of 
prices above fair competitive rates; the wielding of 
increased power over the wage earners. 

"We should know authoritatively whether stock rep- 
resents the actual value of plants, or whether it 
represents brands of good will ; or, if not, what it does 
represent, if anything. It is desirable to know how 
much was actually bought, how much was issued free, 
and to whom, and, if possible, for what reason." 

But supposing that the result of turning the bull's- 
eye of publicity upon the Trust and subjecting its 
method to the microscope of governmental quasi- 
judicial investigation were to reveal a clotted mass of 
force and fraud, upon which some of the greater 
Trusts are said to have been founded, what then? 
There are those who imagine that in such circum- 

* See on this subject a book, "The Control of Trusts," by 
Professor J. B. Clark, of Columbia University. 

37j5 



I 



The Tobacco Trust 

stances, or, in the case of any exceptionally high- 
handed abuse of power by the Trusts, the Federal 
Government would step in and exercise the reserved 
right of every community to save itself from the loss 
of its liberties, by nationalizing the Trust. This is 
easier said than done ; but the hope is so strong among 
many who are most opposed to the methods of Amer- 
ican Capitalism, that they refuse to make any protest, 
or to interfere in any way with the legitimate evolu- 
tion of economic forces which underlie American 
civilization. It m better, they say, that their enemies 
should have one neck, for decapitation will be much 
easier than if they had a thousand. 

If Mr. Morgan's foray for the purpose of buying 
the Leyland steamers was our first warning as to the 
new factor in international competitive trade, the in- 
vasion of the Tobacco Trust was the second, and one 
which excited much more interest among the mass of 
the people. For comparatively few were afrected by 
the transfer of the Leyland line. Nearly every other 
man in the United Kingdom was affected by the entry 
of the American Tobacco Trust into the British field. 

They began, as usual, by attempting to purchase 
the biggest firms in the British tobacco trade. Fail- 
ing with the biggest, as Mr. Astor failed with the 
Times, they descended upon the second best, and as 
he bought the Pall Mall Gasette, so they bought Og- 
den's. The alternative offer to the shareholders was 
very simple. Their property was worth at market 
quotations £638,000. The Trust oft'ered to buy them 
out, paying for the property i8i8,ooo or £180,000 above 

379 



The Tobacco Trust 

the market price. That was the offer to accept or to 
refuse. If they accepted it, every shareholder would 
enjoy a sudden and immediate increase of his capital, 
which he was perfectly free, if so minded, to invest in 
establishing a new tobacco business, and take ad- 
vantage of the latest improvements, mechanical or 
otherwise. 

If, on the other hand, they elected to fight, the im- 
mediate result would have been a tumble in the value 
of their shares and a diminution in their dividend, 
while they would probably be forced to sell in t"he end 
for half the price that the Trust offered. Under these 
circumstances it is not surprising that they decided to 
sell, and the American Trust, masquerading under the 
specious title of the British Tobacco Co., got the neces- 
sary foothold, and began at once the operations neces- 
sary to secure control of the market. 

For the consumer, the immediate result was a reduc- 
tion in the price of tobacco, especially of cigarettes, 
all round. The advent of the American competitor 
compelled the British firms to form a combination, al- 
though they did not call it a trust, of their own, under 
the title of the Imperial Tobacco Co., for the purpose 
of defending their own interests by common action. 
The battle has as yet hardly begun, but it has already 
yielded handsome first fruits of profit to the news- 
papers, in which the competing forces are advertising 
very liberally. How long they will keep it up remains 
to be seen. But what seems probable is that they 
will not succeed in establishing a monopoly, but that 
they will materially reduce the profits of the British 
companies. 

380 



The Americanization 
of the World 

Part Four 

The Summing-Up 

Chapter First 

What is the Secret of American Success? 

There is no one secret of American success. It is 
due to many causes co-operating to convert the modern 
American into a dynamo of energy, and make him the 
supreme type of a strenuous Hfe. 

American success may be explained in many ways. 
A young and vigorous race has been let loose among 
the incalculable treasures of a virgin continent. Into 
that race there has been poured in lavish profusion the 
vital energies of manv other races chosen by a process 
of natural selection which eliminated the weaker, the 
more timid, the less adventurous spirits. 

This great amalgam of heterogeneous energies con- 
stitutes a new composite race, which found itself free 
to face all the problems of the universe without any ot 

38S 



A Jew*s Analysis 

the restraints of prejudices, traditions or old-estab- 
lished institutions which encumber the nations of the 
Old World. Americans had no swaddling clothes to 
cast. They sprang into life like Minerva from the 
brain of Jove, without any need to rid themselves of 
the garments of infancy. 

They had also the immense advantage of an atmos- 
phere which in many parts of the continent was a per- 
petual exhilaration. All these causes contribute to 
American success. They belong to the Americans as 
an inalienable possession, nor can we by any possi- 
bility hope to share them. They are as inseparable 
from the Continent of America as the Falls of Niagara 
or the Mississippi Valley. 

But there are other causes which contribute in no 
small degree to American success, of which the Amer- 
icans have no natural monopoly. 

"The success of the Americans," said a cultivated 
Jew, who, born in the Old World, had lived for some 
time in the New, "may be said to spring from two 
causes. The first is that of the concentration of the 
whole genius of the race upon industrial pursuits. In 
Germany," he said, "the maintenance, the equipment, 
and the organization of the army diverts to the study 
of military questions an immense proportion of the 
genius of Germans. 

"In Italy and France the genius of the people finds its 
natural vent in the study of art, or, in the case of the 
Roman Church, in theological speculation or in the 
management of an immense ecclesiastical organiza- 
tion. In England there is a great scattering of energy. 

382 



The Puritan Spring 

The genius of your people expends itself not in one, 
but in half-a-dozen directions. You are pre-occupied 
with your commerce, with your colonies, and with 
your navy. 

''You have built up a great literature, and you have 
made a positive cultus of sport. But in the United 
States the whole undivided genius of the people is 
concentrated upon the pursuit of wealth. Hence this 
one thing they do and do with all their might, and 
therefore easily distance all competitors whose energies 
are dissipated upon other channels. 

"That is one secret of American success," he con- 
tinued. "But there is another to which I attach even 
more importance. All power arises from restraint. 
Indulgence is the dissipation of energy. For two 
hundred years in the New England States, the stern 
discipline of Puritan morality, repressed with iron 
hand the animal instincts which lead to a self-indulgent 
life. 

"Each generation which lived and died under that 
yoke lived and died voluntarily subjecting itself to a 
sterner restraint than that imposed on any nation be- 
fore or since. But it accumulated energy which it 
transmitted to its descendants. Now in our day we 
see that tremendous spring uncoiling with results at 
which all the world wonders. The stock of energy 
which the New Englanders accumulated in two cen- 
turies could only have been acquired, as great for- 
tunes are built up, by long years of self-denial, patiently 
persisted in despite all temptations. How long it will 
last is another question, but at the present moment we 

383 



Cobden's Accurate Prophecy 

can see no sign of that pent-up reservoir of energy 
being exhausted." 

This, however, does not help us much, for no one can 
improvise ancestors of the Puritan type. We must, 
therefore, look further afield if we would discover any 
American secret by which we may profit. 

Within this narrowed range a very little observa- 
tion will lead us to discover three of the American 
secrets which are capable of export. The first is 
Education ; the second is increased incentives to Pro- 
duction ; and the third is Democracy. It may be well 
to examine each of these in turn. Nearly seventy 
years ago when Cobden visited the United States, he 
laid an unerring finger upon the superior education 
of the American common people as the secret of their 
growing ascendancy. He said : — 

"The universality of education in the United States 
is probably more calculated than all others to acceler- 
ate their progress towards a superior rank of civiliza- 
tion and power. One thirty-sixth portion of all public 
lands, of Vv^hich there are hundreds of thousands of 
square miles unappropriated, is laid apart for the pur- 
poses of instruction. If knowledge be power, and if 
education gives knowledge, then must the Americans 
inevitably become the most powerful people in the 
world. The very genius of American legislation is 
opposed to ignorance in the people, as the most deadly 
enemy of good government. . . . There is now 
more than six times as much advertising and reading 
on the other side of the Atlantic as in Great Britain. 
There are those who are fond of decrying newspaper- 

384 



The American Schoolhouse 

reading, but we regard every scheme that is calculated 
to make mankind think, everything that by detaching 
the mind from the present moment, and leading it to 
reflect upon the past or future, rescues it from the 
dominion of mere sense, as calculated to exalt us in 
the scale of being, and, whether it be a newspaper or 
a volume that serves this end, the instrument is worthy 
of honor at the hands of enlightened philanthropists." 

There is a saying of Confucius, which was often 
quoted when the French legions went down before the 
educated Germans — that he who leads an uneducated 
people to war throws them away. The victories 
registered on French battlefields were won by the Ger- 
man schoolmasters ; and so it is to the little red school- 
house in which the school-marm taught boys and girls 
together for more than a hundred years, that we must 
go to find the sceptre of the American dominion. 

It is little more than thirty years since education 
became compulsory in the United Kingdom ; and it was 
in still more recent times that the school-fees were 
abolished. But education has been universal, free, and 
compulsory in the United States of America from the 
very foundation of the New England Colonies. The 
first object of the Pilgrim Fathers was to found a con- 
venticle in which they could worship God as they 
thought fit ; but after the founding of the Church their 
first care was to open a school. Hence the average 
level of intelligence in the United States, despite the 
immense influx of nineteen millions of the uneducated 
European horde, is much higher than it is with us. 

In that vast Republic every one can at least read 

3S5 



Educational Figures 

and write, and upon that basis Americans have reared 
a superstructure of educational appHance which causes 
Englishmen to despair. Mr. Frederic Harrison, when 
he visited the United States last in 1900, was lost in 
amazement and admiration at the immense energy and 
lavish magnificence of the apparatus of education. 
"The whole educational machinery of America," he 
said, "must be at least tenfold that of the United King- 
dom. That open to women must be at least twenty- 
fold greater than with us, and it is rapidly advancing 
to meet that of men both in numbers and quality." 

According to some statistics published this autumn 
by the Scientific American, there are 629 universities 
and colleges in the United States, the total value of 
whose property is estimated at £68,000,000. The total 
income was over 5^ millions sterling. In a single 
year, 1898-99, the value of gifts to these institutions 
amounted to £4,400,000. The number of students 
pursuing undergraduate and graduate courses in uni- 
versities, colleges, and schools of technology was 147,- 
164. Of these only 43,913 were enrolled as students 
of the three professions — law, medicine, and theology. 
The number of students per million, which stood at 
573 in 1872, rose to 770 in 1880, to 850 in 1890, where- 
as in 1899 it had gone up to 1,196 — more than double in 
twenty-eight years. 

A whole volume might be written in comparing and 
contrasting the educational systems of Great Britain 
and the United States. But it is unnecessary to burden 
the reader with statistics. American superiority, as 
attested by statistics, has its root in one fundamental 
386 



The Contrast in Britain 

difiference between the two nations. In America every- 
body, from the richest to the poorest, considers that 
education is a boon, a necessity of Hfe, and the more 
education they get the better it is for the whole 
country. 

In Great Britain, Sir John Gorst himself being wit- 
ness, the educated classes regard education as unneces- 
sary for the laboring classes. The country squire and, 
broadly speaking, the class which dresses for dinner, 
are of opinion that those who do not dress for dinner 
are better without education. Sir John Gorst, the 
Minister officially responsible for British education, 
has affirmed this in terms which leave no room for 
mistake. 

It is this which differentiates the Briton from the 
American. Our men of light and leading, those who 
have enjoyed all the advantages of superior educa- 
tion, who monopolize the immense endowments of the 
ancient universities of Oxford and Cambridge, resent 
the demand that the children of the agricultural 
laborer or the costermonger should receive the best 
education that the State can give them. 

Education in this country is not regarded as a good 
investment. Hence it is that, while American million- 
aires find pleasure in lavishing millions in the endow- 
ment of universities and technical schools and the pro- 
vision of educational apparatus, the bequests to edu- 
cation in this country amount to a beggarly sum. 
Mr. Carnegie, born a Scotchman, but a naturalized 
citizen of the States, has given more money for the 
endowment of university educa*^ion in a single check 

357 



^Productive Power Compared 

than all our millionaires have given to our universities 
for the last quarter of a century. 

Until a change comes over the spirit of our country, 
and Society with a big S recognizes that unless our 
people are educated the game is up, we shall not see 
any material improvement. The future belongs not 
to brawn but to brain, and the nation which ignores 
both, as we unfortunately are doing at this moment, 
will inevitably go to the wall. It may be said that it 
is no use looking for the conversion of our governing 
classes. 

Until our working people who have a vote determine 
to use it to compel Parliament to give every English 
workman's child as good an education and as fair a 
chance of making his way to a university career (if he 
is bright enough) as he would have if he emigrated to 
the United States, nothing will be done. 

Secondly, Incentives to increased productive power. 
The second cause of American success, which we could 
appropriate if we pleased, is that of improved methods 
of production. We want more machinery, better ma- 
chinery, and we must not stint its output. The old 
spirit which led to the machine riots in the West Rid- 
ing of Yorkshire at the beginning of the century is 
still latent in the British workman. 

There is no need to go into old sores or to enter 
upon disputed ground, but it is unfortunately no 
longer disputable that our industrial progress is 
hampered in two directions, first, by the reluctance of 
the employer to invest in new machinery, and, secondly, 
by a belief on the part of many workmen that the less 

388 



Labor-Saving Machinery 

work each man does the more work there is for some- 
body else. 

The difficulty about machinery arises largely from 
the English prejudice in favor of good, solid machines 
which, if once built, will last for a long time. The 
American deliberately puts in flimsy machinery which 
will wear out, as he calculates that by the time he has 
got all the work out of his machine that it will stand, 
new improvements will have been invented which will 
necessitate in any case the purchase of new machinery. 
Hence he buys a cheaper article, uses it up quickly, and 
then gets a new one with the latest improvements. 
The Briton finds that he has a machine almost as good 
as new when the American machine is worn out, and is 
loth to cast it on one side. 

There is a certain objection to labor-saving machines 
on the part of many workmen, who regard all such 
machines as the owners of stage-coaches regarded loco- 
motives. It is calculated that every locomotive that is 
turned out of an engine-shop makes work for as many 
horses as the horse-power which it represents, and 
there has never been so much demand for labor as 
since the introduction of labor-saving machinery be- 
came universal. 

The popular fallacy that contrivances which econ- 
omize labor make less work for the laborer was never 
so aptly illustrated as in the story of the Tsar and the 
Dutch Ambassador, who met in the Seventeenth Cen- 
tury on the banks of the Volga. Great barges were 
being towed up the stream by gangs of 200 moujiks, 
who were harnessed to the tow-rope, and so, with infin- 

389 



The Laborer Against Himself 

ite expenditure of sweat and sinew, they hauled their 
clumsy craft at the rate of about two miles an hour. 

The Dutchman addressed the Tsar and respectfully 
ventured to point out to him that with his permission 
he (the Dutchman) could rig up a mast and a sail 
which would enable the wind to drive the boat much 
more swiftly through the water without any need for 
this costly human haulage. The Tsar listened for a 
moment and then sternly reproved the adventurous 
Dutchman. "How dare you," he said, "propose to me 
to adopt a contrivance which would take the bread out 
of the mouths of these poor fellows?" 

And so the moujiks went on with their hauling. 
Every one sees the absurdity of such a reply, but at 
bottom it is exactly the same spirit which inspires the 
objection to machines which economize labor. 

This, however, is a less danger than the spirit, to 
which a good deal of attention has been called of late 
by articles in the Times and elsewhere, which leads 
workmen deliberately to dawdle over their work with 
the idea that the less work each man does the more 
work there will be for his mate. The same spirit 
shows itself in the extreme punctiliousness with which 
workmen will insist upon never doing anything but 
their own particular job, under no matter what stress 
of emergency. 

In some industries we have almost arrived at the 
extreme division of labor that prevails in India, which 
necessitates the employment of twenty servants to do 
the work of three. The folly of this deliberate limita- 
tion of output is recognized by the more intelligent 

390 



Profit-Sharing and Trade Unions 

leaders of the working classes, and the experience of 
the Westinghouse Company at their new Manchester 
works is full of hope. By the introduction of Amer- 
ican foremen, and by a frank and candid explanation 
to the workmen of what was wanted, the Americans 
declared that they found no difficulty in getting as 
much good work out of Englishmen in England as 
they are always able to get out of Englishmen when 
they emigrate to America. 

But we cannot man all our works with American 
foremen, nor is it desirable that the English in their 
own country should be reduced to the level of Gibeon- 
ites, to be hewers of wood and drawers of water for 
the superior race. By far the best way of overcom- 
ing this difficulty is by the introduction of some method 
of co-partnership, or of profit-sharing, which would 
make every workman feel that he had a personal inter- 
est in the prosperity of the concern. 

At present he feels too often that he has nothing 
personally to gain by putting his back into his work. 
The shareholder and not the workman reaps the benefit 
of increased efficiency. To get round that difficulty 
is not impossible, as the experience of Mr. George 
Livesey in the South Metropolitan Gas Company 
shows. Profit-sharing is the first, co-partnership the 
second, and co-operative production the third step 
which will lead us out of the morass in which we are 
at present floundering. 

The experience of Co-operative Works at Leicester, 
and the neighborhood justifies confident expectations 
as to the excellent results which would follow if the 

39J 



The British Employers 

consciousness of mutual interest were the rule instead 
of the exception in British industry. 

Neither here nor in the United States can we hope 
to put the tremendous premium upon individual effort 
which was offered in the early days of American 
industry. The trade union is likely to become more 
rather than less powerful in the days that are to come. 
It appeals very strongly to the Socialist aspirations 
which seem likely, in America, as well as in this 
country, to be an increasing factor in the organization 
of industry ; but that is no reason why the trade 
unions should not provide for the encouragement of 
individual capacity among their own members. 

It would be a great mistake, however, to think that 
trade unions are the only obstacle. We have to face 
the reluctance on the part of employers to recognize 
that their workmen have brains which could be utilized. 
The American workman who suggests an improve- 
ment in the machinery which he is working, is en- 
couraged and rewarded. In England he is too often 
told to mind his own business. 

And as it is with the employers, so it is with the 
law of the land. Our patent laws, instead of encour- 
aging invention on the part of those who have brains 
but no money, absolutely handicap the poor man, and 
leave him helpless to profit by his own inventions. 
Sir John Leng, in a recent address at Dundee, brought 
out very clearly this contrast between the American 
and British systems. 

The American patent law secures a patentee protec- 
tion for seventeen years for a total cost of £S, To 

392 



Ambassador Choates Declaration 

secure a patent for fourteen years in this country re- 
quires an expenditure of £99. The American Patent 
Office makes a fairly thorough examination of a 
patent, and, if required, the appHcant is assisted to put 
his application into proper shape. With this stim- 
ulus to invention, it is not surprising that the inventive 
genius of the American has outstripped that of the Old 
World. Fortunately this can be remedied, for our 
Patent Office is one of those institutions which can be 
Americanized with the greatest ease. 

The third cause of American success which we can 
also appropriate is that which comes from the frank 
adoption and consistent application of the principle of 
democracy. Mr. Choate, the American Ambassador 
at the Court of St. James', recently declared in a pub- 
lic speech at New York : — 

"After all that I have seen of other countries, it seems to 
me absolutely clear that the cardinal principle upon which 
American institutions rest, the absolute political equality of 
all citizens with universal sufifrage, is the secret of Ameri- 
can success. Aided by that comprehensive system of educa- 
tion, which enables every citizen to pursue his calling and 
exercise the franchise, it puts the country on that plane of 
success which it has reached." 

"I have no doubt," said De Tocqueville more than 
sixty years ago, "that the democratic institutions of 
the United States, joined to the physical constitution 
of the country, are the cause (not the direct, as is so 
often asserted, but the indirect cause) of the pro- 
digious commercial activity of the inhabitants." 

He adds, further on : "Democracy does not give the 
people the most skilful government, but it produces 

393 



Triumphant Democracy 

what the ablest governments are frequently unable to 
create: namely, a superabundant force, and an energy 
which is inseparable from it, and which may, however 
unfavorable circumstances may be, produce wonders." 

As to the influence of democratic institutions upon 
the inventive ingenuity and energy of a people, Mr. 
Wideneos of Philadelphia, discussing the connection 
between democracy and business, recently said to Mr. 
W. E. Curtis :— 

"Our greatest sv:ccess in industry and commerce has 
been due to the higher intelligence and better educa- 
tion of the American working man. The United 
States is a democracy where everybody has a chance, 
and that inspires ambition. Look at the list of men 
who control business affairs in that country. Nine 
of every ten of them began at the bottom and in a small 
way, but the road was open to everybody and the best 
man got there first. 

"In England the opportunities are comparatively 
limited, and the lower classes have no inspiration ; no 
inducement to save their money and improve them- 
selves. There is no use in a boy educating himself for 
better things when he cannot get them. The very best 
of us are from the bottom. Some of our biggest 
swells had fathers who worked for days' wages. Yet 
that was no handicap. They gave them good consti- 
tutions, good educations and opportunities. Such men 
now command the financial, commercial and political 
world." 

We have democratized our institutions piecemeal, 
but we are still far short of applying the principle thor- 

394 



Britain's Necessity 

oughly in such fashion as to make every man feel 
the stimulus of equality of responsibility, equality of 
opportunity. 

It is not necessary to pursue this in detail, but it is 
worthy of note that at the present moment the only 
governing institutions in this country in which we can 
pretend to be ahead of the United States are our 
municipalities, where the principle of democracy has 
been carried out much more thoroughly than in the 
Imperial Parliament. 

Imagine the London County Council saddled with a 
Second Chamber, three-fourths of whom were the 
ground landlords of London, with a right of veto upon 
every measure passed by the County Council ! Could 
anything be suggested more certain to choke the civic 
spirit which has given new life to London in the last 
ten years? Aristocratic institutions, no doubt, have 
their advantages, but they do not tend to develop in 
the mass of the people a keen sense of citizenship. 
They effectively paralyze that consciousness of individ- 
ual power which gives so great and constant a stim- 
ulus to the energy and self-respect of the citizens of 
the Republic. 



395 



The Americanization of 
the World 

Chapter Second 

A Look Ahead 

What is the conclusion of the whole matter? It 
may be stated in a sentence. There lies before the 
people of Great Britain a choice of two alternatives. 
If they decide to merge the existence of the British 
Empire in the United States of the English-speaking 
World, they may continue for all time to be an integral 
part of the greatest of all World-Powers, supreme on 
sea and unassailable on land, permanently delivered 
from all fear of hostile attack, and capable of wielding 
irresistible influence in all parts of this planet. 

That is one alternative. The other is the acceptance 
of our supersession by the United States as the centre 
of gravity in the English-speaking world, the loss one 
by one of our great colonies, and our ultimate reduc- 
tion to the status of an English-speaking Belgium. 
One or the other it must be. Which shall it be? Sel- 
dom has a more momentous choice been presented to 
the citizens of any country. 

It is natural that British pride should revolt at the 
conclusion which is thus presented as the result of a 

396 



The United States of the World 

rapid survey of the forces governing the present 
pohtical and financial and industrial situation. But 
pride and prejudice are evil counsellors. The ques- 
tion is not -what we would best like to do, but what is 
the best course possible in the circumstances? 

If it is admitted that the whole trend of our time is 
towards the unification of races of a common stock and 
common language; if it is further admitted that such 
unification would carry with it incalculable advantages 
in securing the English-speaking nations from all 
danger either of a fratricidal conflict or of foreign at- 
tack, while enormously improving both their prosperity 
at home and the influence which they can exercise 
abroad, it is difficult to resist the conclusion that the 
object is one well worthy of being made the ultimate 
goal of the statesmen both of the United States and of 
the United Kingdom. 

That it is possible to constitute as one vast feder- 
ated unity the English-speaking United States of the 
World, can hardly be disputed. That there are diffi- 
culties, immense difficulties, is equally true; but it is 
well to remember that these difficulties did not appear 
insuperable to Adam Smith, who wrote nearly a hun- 
dred years before the Atlantic had been bridged by 
steam. It is worth while recalling his profound and 
luminous observations in the first edition of his 
"Wealth of Nations," which was published in 1776, 
on the very eve of the revolt of the American Colonies. 
At that time, the great schism had not occurred 
which has for more than a century banished the idea 
from the minds of man; but the recent and welcome 

397 



Adam Smithes Suggestion 

rapprochement which has tafcen place between the 
British and American peoples renders it possible for 
us to get back to the standpoint of Adam Smith. He 
contemplated the union of Great Britain with her 
American Colonies by admitting representatives from 
those Colonies to the Imperial Parliament. For, as 
he says in words which are as true to-day as they were 
then : — 

"The assembly which deliberates and decides con- 
cerning the affairs of every part of the Empire, in 
order to be properly informed, ought certainly to have 
representatives from every part of it." 

He admitted that there were difficulties, but denied 
that they were insurmountable. 

"The principal difficulty," he said, "arises, not from 
the nature of things, but from the prejudices and 
opinions of the people both on this side and on the 
other side of the Atlantic." 

He then dealt briefly with some of the objections 
that were urged, objections which the lapse of time 
has answered so effectually that we need not even refer 
to them here. But in combating one of these objec- 
tions that might be raised by the Americans — ^that their 
distance from the seat of Government might expose 
them to many oppressions — he used the following re- 
markable words : — 

"The distance of America from the seat of Govern- 
ment the natives of that country might flatter them- 
selves, with some appearance of reason, too. would 
not be of a very long continuance. Such has hitherto 
been the rapid progress of that country in wealth, pop- 

398 



Confirmed by Rosebery 

Illation, and improvement that, in the course of little 
more than a century, perhaps, the produce of Amer- 
ican might exceed that of British taxation. The seat 
of the Empire would then naturally remove itself to 
that part of the Empire which contributes most to the 
general defence and support of the whole." 

The Imperial idea, therefore, before the disruption 
of the Empire, contemplated that if the Empire held 
together, its capital in the course of time would be 
transferred from the Old World to the New. 

The same idea was expressed the other day with 
much greater eloquence by Lord Rosebery in his ad- 
dress as Lord Rector to the students of Glasgow Uni- 
versity. Going back to the time when Adam Smith 
wrote. Lord Rosebery allowed his imagination to dwell 
upon what might have been the results to the English- 
speaking race if the elder Pitt had prevented or sup- 
pressed the reckless budget of Charles Townshend, 
induced George IIL to listen to reason, and by intro- 
ducing representatives from the American Colonies 
into the Imperial Parliament, preserved America to 
the British Crown. Had such a measure been passed, 
he said, 

"It would have provided for some self-adjusting 
svstem of representation, such as now prevails in the 
United States, by which increasing population is pro- 
portionally represented." 

He then proceeded : — 

"At last, when the Americans became the majority, 
the seat of Empire would, perhaps, have been moved 
solemnly across the Atlantic, Great Britain have be- 

399 



An Inspiring Hypothesis 

come the historical shrine and the European outpost 
of the World-empire. What an extraordinary revo- 
lution it would have been had it been accomplished ! 
The greatest known without bloodshed, the most sub- 
lime transference of power in the history of mankind. 
Our conceptions can hardly picture the procession 
across the Atlantic. The greatest Sovereign in the 
greatest fleet in the universe, Ministers, Government, 
Parliament, departing solemnly for the other hemi- 
sphere, not as in the case of the Portuguese sovereign 
emigrating to Brazil under the spur of necessity, but 
under the vigorous embrace of the younger world." 

He admitted that the result was one to which we 
could scarcely acclimatize ourselves even in idea, but 
he went on to speculate upon some of the consequences 
that would have happened from so blessed a consum- 
mation : — 

"America would have hung on the skirts of Britain, 
and pulled her back out of European complications. 
She would have profoundly affected the foreign policy 
of the Mother Country in the direction of peace. Her 
influence in our domestic policy would have been 
scarcely less potent. It might probably have appeased 
and even contented Ireland. The ancient constitution 
of Great Britain would have been rendered more com- 
prehensive and more elastic. On the other hand, the 
American yearning for liberty would have taken a 
different form. It would have blended with other 
traditions and flowed into other molds; and above all, 
had there been no suppression there would have been 
no war of Independence, no war of 1812, with all the 

400 



Anglo-American Unification 

bitter memories that these have left on American soil. 
To secure that priceless boon I should have been satis- 
fied to see the British Federal Parliament sitting in 
Columbian territory. It is indeed difficult to dam the 
flow of ideas in dealing with so pregnant a possibility." 

The question which it is my purpose to raise in the 
present treatise is whether the realization of Lord 
Rosebery's dream is even now outside the pale of prac- 
tical politics. Would not the gain of the establishment 
of a Federal Parliament of the English-speaking race 
on American soil more than compensate us for any 
loss of what may be described as the parochial prestige 
of the insular Briton? 

Ireland still has to be contented ; the British Con- 
stitution, for lack of elasticity, has become practically 
imworkable ; the Imperial Parliament shows no sign 
of being able to admit representatives from the 
distant Colonies ; and danger of collision between the 
Empire and the Republic, although masked by present 
appearance, automatically increases as the over-sea 
ambitions of the United States develop and expand. 

In its original shape, of course, Lord Rosebery's 
vision can never be realized. The possibility of uniting 
the whole English-speaking world under the segis of 
the scepter of a British sovereign, perished for ever 
when George III. made war upon the American 
Colonies. 

But because our forefathers by their prejudice and 
passion wrecked the possibility of realizing the great 
ideal, that is no reason why we, their sons, should not 
endeavor to undo the evil results of their folly by at- 

40J 



Lord Derby's Ideal 

tempting to secure the unification of the race hy the 
only means which are still available. Unification 
imder the Union Jack having become impossible by 
our own mistakes, why should we not seek unification 
under the Stars and Stripes? 

We could, of course, keep the Union Jack as a local 
flag, as in a Federated South Africa we could permit 
the burghers of the Transvaal to keep the Vierkleur. 
It possesses a historical interest, and is instinct with 
too many heroic memories for it to be allowed to pass 
for ever from sea or shore. But the day has passed 
when the meteor flag of England could stand any 
chance of being accepted by the majority of English- 
speaking men. In such matters the majority must 
decide. Not only are we already in a minority of 
nearly one to two, but the majority tends every year 
to increase. Are we as a nation incapable of facing 
the inevitable and of governing our course in accord- 
ance therewith? 

Many years ago when the late Earl of Derby was 
Colonial Minister in Mr. Gladstone's Cabinet, he dis- 
cussed this question with Dr. E. J. Dillon, now well 
known as correspondent of the Daily Telegraph. Dr. 
Dillon asked him as a former foreign Minister of Great 
Britain, what he thought should be the foreign policy 
of the Empire. Lord Derby replied that he thought 
it would be best for the country to have no foreigii 
policy at all, which led Dr. Dillon to ask what then did 
he contemplate as the goal of British policy in the 
future. Lord Derby replied: — 

"The highest ideal that I can look forward to in the 

402 



Cecils Rhodes' Pole-Star 

future of my country is that the time may come when 
we may be admitted into the American Union as 
States in one great Federation." 

It may be said that Lord Derby was a Little Eng- 
lander, and therefore out of court. But this objection 
cannot be brought against Mr. Rhodes, wlio is a Big 
Englander if ever there was one, and who more than 
any man in our time incarnates the spirit of British 
Imperiahsm. But Mr. Rhodes, although he would 
not adopt the terms of Lord Derby's declaration, is 
absolutely at one with him on the main point. 

Mr. Rhodes would undoubtedly much prefer to see 
the English-speaking race unified under the Union 
Jack, for his devotion to the old flag approaches to a 
passion. But Mr. Rhodes's pole star has ever been the 
unity of the English-speaking race. No one can talk 
to him for long without coming upon the sentiment 
which is ever present in his mind, of a deep and al- 
most angry regret over the fatal folly which rent the 
race in twain in the eighteenth century. 

How often have I not heard him deplore the in- 
sensate folly which robbed the world of its one great 
hope of universal peace. Only this year he inveighed, 
as is his wont, against the madness of the monarch 
which had wrecked the fairest prospect of international 
peace which had ever dawned upon the world. 

"If only we had held together," he remarked, 
"there would have been no need for another cannon to 
be cast in the whole world. The Federation of the 
English-speaking world would be strong enough in 
its command of all the material resources of the planet 

403 



A Fascinating Ideal 

to compel the decision of all international quarrels by 
a more rational method than that of war." 

Nor has he abandoned the hope that even yet that 
great Federation may be brought about. He would, 
no doubt, shrink from boldly adopting the formula 
that, if it could not be secured in any other way than 
by the admission of the various parts of the British 
Empire as States of the American Union, it had better 
be brought about in that way than not at all. 

He has so intense a longing to realize the unity of 
the race that, being a practical man, and resolute to 
attain his end by some road, if that which he has chosen 
is absolutely impassable, he can be counted upon as 
one of the great personal forces which would co- 
operate in the attainment of our ideal. 

The subject is not one upon which politicians are 
likely to talk. Any utterance in favor of coming to- 
gether under the American flag could so easily be mis- 
represented by a political opponent as an act of treason 
to the Union Jack, that men whose horizon is limited 
to the next General Election naturally refrain from 
expressing any opinion on the subject. 

But, privately, no one who moves in political and 
journalistic circles can ignore the fact that many of 
the strongest Imperialists are heart and soul in favor 
of seeing the British Empire and the American Repub- 
lic merged in the English-speaking United States of 
the World. This is an ideal splendid enough to 
fascinate the imagination of all men, especially of those 
who have proved most susceptible to the fascination of 
Imperial Federation, 
404 



Uncertainties of Race Unity 

But here it is necessary to observe that, while on 
this side of the Atlantic there may be a great latent 
but powerful sentiment in favor of such reunion, it 
will come to nothing unless it is reciprocated by sim- 
ilar sentiments on the other side of the water. We 
may be willing to make great sacrifices of national 
prejudice and Imperial pride in order to attain this 
greater ideal, but will the Americans be equally fas- 
cinated by the ideal of race unity? 

The United States, it is said by some, is quite big 
enough to take care of itself. It has no longer any 
need of a British alliance, which might entail consider- 
able complications and involve the Republic in 
entanglements from which the Americans might not 
unnaturally recoil. 

The subject is not one upon which the Americans can 
very well take the initiative. The suggestion has 
even offended some Americans, as indicating possibil- 
ities altogether beyond their reach. There is very 
little evidence, on one side or the other, as to what 
would be the probable attitude of the masses of the 
American people should this question be raised in a 
practical shape. 

I had, however, an opportunity of discussing the 
matter quite recently with two typical Americans, who 
were singularly well placed for forming a judgment 
upon the matter. One, born in Scotland, had become 
a naturalized American citizen. The other, born in 
America, had become a naturalized British subject. 
The former had been all his life devoted to the cause 
of peace. The other has made his fortune by the suc- 

405 



Sir Hiram Maxim 

cess with which he has manufactured arms of war. 
But upon this question they are absolutely at one. 

Sir Hiram Maxim and Mr. Andrew Carnegie are 
both men whose maturity of judgment and wide ex- 
perience of men entitle them to be heard with respect 
upon any subject to which they have given serious 
attention. Sir Hiram Maxim wrote me as recently 
as November 8th, 1901, after we had discussed the 
subject for some time: — 

"I have thought much of the long and interesting 
conversation I had with you yesterday, and although 
I do not hope to live to see the consummation of what 
was foreshadowed by you, still I should not wonder 
if the baby was already born who will witness the 
whole English-speaking race consolidated in some 
great federation forming the greatest, richest, and the 
most powerful nation that the world has ever known. 
I think it is true that it is sure to come; it is only a 
question of time and civilization." 

I saw Mr. Carnegie on October 25th, 1901, just 
before he left London for New York. Mr. Carnegie 
is a remarkable man in many ways, but he is absolutely 
unique in being at once a prophet and a millionaire. 
It is the first time in the history of the world in which 
the two roles have been played by a single man. Mr. 
Carnegie said to me : — 

"Turn up my 'Look Ahead' which I published in the North 
American Rcviciv eight years ago, and you will find every 
forecast which I made then is coming true. You remember, 
I told you that when you sat down to your desk to write that 
chapter. I was inclined to believe that the whole scheme was 
somewhat visionary, but that when I sent the manuscript I 

406 



Frank Stockton's Story 

was convinced that there was nothing more practical or 
more important pressing upon the attention of statesmen. 
Well, eight years have passed since then, and now vJien I 
take a look backwards, at my old article, 'Look Ahead,' I 
am more than ever impressed v.'ith the soundness of the 
views which I there set out. We are heading straight to 
the Re-United States. Everything is telling that way. Your 
people are only beginning to wake up lo the irresistible 
drift of forces which dominate the situation. 

"It is coming, coming faster than you people in the Old 
World realize. Mr. Frank Stockton was down at Skibo this 
year, and he told rather a good story bearing upon this 
question. When he was coming down in the train, he fore- 
gathered with an Englishman, whom he met in the train, 
and they got talking about various things, and the English- 
man expressed what is now a very common sentiment among 
your people— great regret at the folly of George III. "Just 
think what he cost us,' said the Englishman. 'Why, he cost 
us America.' 'But,' said Mr. Stockton, 'yo" m^ist not 
forget what he cost us.' 'Cost you,' said the Englishman. 
'What did he cost you?' "He cost us Britain,' said Mr. Stock- 
ton. And there is the v/hole truth in a nutshell. If we had 
all continued together, Britain would have belonged to 
America, much more than America would have belonged to 
Britain, and it will come to that yet." 

The theme is a favorite one with Mr. Carnegie. He 
may indeed be regarded as the leading exponent of the 
idea. In his "Triumphant Democracy," he maintained 
that the American Constitution offered a much better, 
freer, and at the same time more supple system of 
government than that v/hich prevailed in the Old 
Country. He summarized under seventeen separate 
heads the reasons why he thought the leadership of 
the English-speaking world must belong to America. 
Some of these relating to things political and consti- 
tutional may be quoted here: — 

(7) The nation whose flag, v/herever it floats over 



407 



Carnegie's Reasoning 

sea and land, is the symbol and guarantor of the equal- 
ity of the citizen. 

(8) The nation in whose Constitution no man sug- 
gests improvement ; whose laws as they stand are satis- 
factory to all citizens. 

(9) The nation which has the ideal Second Chamber, 
the most august assembly in the world — the American 
Senate. 

(10) The nation whose Supreme Court is the envy 
of the ex-Prime Minister of the parent land. (Lord 
Salisbury.) 

(11) The nation whose Constitution is "the most 
perfect piece of work ever struck off at one time by 
the mind and purpose of man," according to the pres- 
ent Prime Minister of the parent land. (Mr. Glad- 
stone.) 

(12) The nation most profoundly conservative of 
what is good, yet based upon the political equality of 
the citizen. 

Since the publication of "Triumphant Democracy," 
Mr. Carnegie has discussed the question in articles 
contributed to the English and American magazines, 
notably to the Nineteenth Century for September, 
1891, in an article entitled "An American View of 
Imperial Federation," and in June, 1892, in the North 
American Review, in a paper entitled "A Look Ahead." 
There are others, but these are the chief. He con- 
cluded his articles on "A Look Ahead" by the follow- 
ing declaration of faith— a declaration which might 
be regarded in other men as a mere fantasy, but which 
in a hard-headed man like Mr. Carnegie, who has 

408 



By a Stroke of the Pen 

shown an equal ability in amassing and giving away 
millions, will command respect. 

"Let men say what they will, but I say that as surely 
as the sun in the heavens once shone upon Britain and 
America united, so surely is it one morning to rise and 
shine upon and greet again the Re-united States of the 
British-American Union." 

This confidence was based in the first case upon the 
fact that it was only in their political ideas that there 
was any dissimilarity, "for no rupture whatever be- 
tween the separated parts has ever taken place in lan- 
guage, literature, religion, or law. In these uniform- 
ity has always existed. Although separated polit- 
ically, the unity of the parts has never been disturbed 
in these strong, cohesive and cementing links." 

There was a perpetual process of assimilation going 
on between the political institutions of the two 
countries. That such a reunion was desirable seemed 
to Mr. Carnegie an almost self-evident proposition. 
If England and America were one they would be able 
to maintain the peace of the world and general dis- 
armament. An Anglo-American reunion would ad- 
mit of bringing British goods into the United States 
duty free. The richest market in the world would be 
open to Great Britain, free of all duty by a stroke of 
the pen. There would not be an idle mine, furnace 
or factory in the United Kingdom. 

Apart from material interests. Mr. Carnegie holds 
very strongly to the idea subsequently adopted by Mr. 
Chamberlain that the mind of the individual citizen 
expands in response to the magnitude of the State to 

409 



An Issue Irresistible 

which he belongs. Deahng with great affairs broad- 
ens and elevates the character — a thesis which it would 
be somewhat difficult to maintain in face of the fact 
that the great ideas which have shaken the vv^orld have 
in almost every case been conceived by the citizens of 
States so small that they could be stowed away out of 
sight in a corner of a single State like Texas. 

Men's minds do not always expand in proportion to 
the geographical area of the Kingdom, Empire, or 
Republic in which they happen to be born. Never- 
theless there is a certain truth in Mr. Carnegie's re- 
mark, although it must be balanced by remembering 
Burke's famous phrase about statesmen who have the 
minds of pedlars and merchants who act like princes. 
In this expansion of the political horizon the citizens 
of both countries would equally share, but Mr. Car- 
negie does not discuss the fact that the balance of ad- 
vantage would lie with the British, for the leadership 
of the United States is secure. 

Whether reunion is efifected or abandoned as an im- 
possible dream, it will not affect the headship of the 
United States. The American will easily be the first 
Power in the world. But for the Motherland it is 
otherwise. Mr. Carnegie wrote: — 

"The only course for Britain seems to be reunion 
with her giant child or sure decline to a secondary 
place, and then to comparative insignificance in the 
future annals of the English-speaking race. What 
great difference would it make to Wales, Ireland, and 
Scotland if their representatives to the Supreme 
Council should proceed to Washington instead of to 

4J0 



An Issue Irresistible 

London? Yet this is all the change that would be 
required, and for this they would have ensured to them 
all the rights of independence." 

Nevertheless, he thinks the idea would be received 
with even more enthusiasm in the United States than 
in the United Kingdom. "The reunion idea," said he, 
"would be hailed with enthusiasm in the United States. 
No idea yet promulgated since the formation of the 
Union would create such unalloyed satisfaction. It 
would sweep the country. No party would oppose ; 
each would try to excel the other in approval." 

Surveying the whole situation, Mr. Carnegie came 
to the conclusion eight years ago that the causes of 
continued disunion which admittedly exist in England 
are rapidly vanishing and are melting away like snow 
in the sunshine. Canada, the United States, and Ire- 
land were even then ready for reunion, and no serious 
difficulty existed either in Scotland or in Wales. He 
thought that in England, Ireland, Scotland and Wales 
a proposition to make all officials elected by the people 
after the Queen had passed away would command a 
heavy vote. 

In 1898, when I had an opportunity of discussing 
the matter with him, he was so confident that the re- 
imion was practicable, that he had modified his views 
in many directions. When he had first launched the 
idea he regarded it as necessary for the British people 
to abjure their monarchy, their hereditary peerage, 
their Established Church, and to do away with their 
Indian Empire, and as a preliminary to reunion he had 



4n 



Eight New Popular States 

contemplated a declaration of independence on the 
part of Canada, Australia, and South Africa. 

In 1898 he recognized that such a drastic process of 
demolition and disintegration was not the necessary- 
preliminary to reunion. He thought it was quite pos- 
sible that special provision might be made for the ad- 
mission of monarchical States into the British-Amer- 
ican Union. He still clung to his idea of the admis- 
sion of Great Britain and Ireland into the Union. 
They would, he said, cut up into eight States, with an 
average of five millions each in population. This 
is considerably more than the average of the American 
States, but it is less than the population of Pennsyl- 
vania and New York. It is well that Mr. Carnegie 
should have modified his views so far as to admit that 
the British race might assent to a reunion without 
being compelled as a preliminary to abjure their dis- 
tinctive peculiarities. 

Upon this point Cobden, in his well-known pamphlet 
"England, Ireland, and America," which was pub- 
lished in the spring of 1835, said some words which 
are worth while remembering and quoting in this con- 
nection. Writing immediately after his return from 
his first visit to the United States, he declared that he 
fervently believed "that our only chance of national 
prosperity lies in the timely remodelling of our system, 
so as to put it as nearly as possible upon an equality 
with the improved management of the Americans." 
But, he went on, "let us not be misconstrued. We do 
pot advocate Republican institutions for this country; 
we believe the Government of the United States to be 

4(2 



Cobden on America 

at this moment the best in the world, but then the 
Americans are the best people, individually and 
nationally. 

"As individuals, because in our opinion the people 
that are the best educated must, morally and religiously 
speaking, be the best. As a nation, because it is the 
only great community that has never waged war ex- 
cept in absolute self-defence, the only one which has 
never made a conquest of territory by force of arms; 
because it is the only nation whose government has 
never had occasion to employ the army to defend it 
against the people; the only one which has never had 
one of its citizens convicted of treason, and because it 
is the only country that has honorably discharged its 
public debt. Those who argue in favor of a Republic 
in lieu of a mixed Monarchy for Britain are, we sus- 
pect, ignorant of the genius of their countrymen. 

"Democracy forms no element in the material of 
English character. An Englishman is from his 
mother's womb an aristocrat. The insatiable love of 
caste that in England, as in Hindustan, devours all 
hearts, is confined to no walks of society, but pervades 
every degree from the highest to the lowest. No; 
whatever changes in the course of time education may 
and will effect, we do not believe that England at this 
moment contains even the germs of genuine Repub- 
licanism. We do not, then, advocate the adoption of 
democratic institutions for such a people." 

Nearly seventy years have passed since then, and we 
have had nearly thirty years of popular education ; 
but there is so much truth in Mr. Cobden's somewhat 

4{3 



The Republican Spirit 

pessimistic observations, that any scheme which ne- 
cessitated the repudiation of aristocratic distinctions 
or monarchical bric-a-brac would be fatal to the 
scheme of reunion. John Bull would have to experi- 
ence a new birth before he could qualify as an entirely 
regenerated citizen of the American Republic. He 
must be allowed to retain his plush-breeched and 
powdered footmen, his Lord Mayor's coach, and all the 
paraphernalia and trappings of monarchy and peer- 
age, if only to enable him to feel at home in a cold, 
cold world, and cultivate that spirit of condescen- 
sion towards Americans which is his sole remaining 
consolation. 

At the same time, it is well to remember that not- 
withstanding Cobden's estimate of the anti-republican 
character of his own countrymen, the natives of these 
islands, when once they leave their native land, never 
establish anything but what is to all intents and pur- 
poses a Republican system of government. 

Sir Walter Besant, when discussing the future of 
the race, dwelt much upon the significance of the fact 
that, while all the States that have come out of Great 
Britain have had to create their own form of govern- 
ment, every one has become practically a Republic, 
vet while all the Colonies are virtually Republican, 
the Mother Country is less Republican than she was 
twenty years ago. In the Colonies, with every genera- 
tion, the Republican idea becomes intensified, and this, 
he thought, would, as there was no corresponding 
trend of opinion in the Mother Country towards Re- 
publicanism, inevitably result in separation. 

4J4 



Reorganizing the Empire 

For, as he said, if the EngHsh Government remains 
what it is, and the English Colonies become more and 
more obstinately Republican, there will most certainly 
exist a permanent cleavage between them growing 
every year wider and wider. 

He was so much convinced of this that in his fore- 
cast of the future he calmly counted upon the dis- 
ruption of the Empire as a preliminary to the federa- 
tion of the race. 

But in that case we could separate only in order to 
reunite, and the basis would be wide enough to afford 
space for the United States in the centre of the 
group. It is probable that Canada and Australia and 
South Africa would find it easier to coalesce with the 
United States than with the United Kingdom. But 
the political institutions of the United Kingdom itself 
are likely to undergo considerable changes in the direc- 
tion of Americanization. 

Few subjects afford more interesting matter for 
discussion and speculation than the steps which would 
be taken by the Americans if they were placed in 
charge of the administration of the British Empire, 
with a contract to reorganize it upon American prin- 
ciples. Dr. Albert Shav/ nine years ago addressed 
himself to the consideration of this question in the 
pages of the Contemporary Rez'iezv, with characteristic 
intrepidity and plain-spokenness. Home Rule seemed 
to him, as it does to all Americans, the very first step 
towards clearing the situation for entrance upon a 
large and worthy Imperial polic}' ; and he did not mince 
his words as to the silly sophistries and general stu- 

4J5 



Reorganizing the Empire 

pidities which did service as arguments against allow- 
ing the Irish people to manage purely Irish affairs in 
Ireland. 

"If," said he, "Americans were to take the contract 
for reorganizing the British Empire, they would lose 
no time in telegraphing for the strong men of both 
Canadian parties, for Mr. Rhodes, Mr. Hofmeyer, and 
the other empire-builders of South Africa, for the ex- 
perienced and staunch politicians of the Australian 
States, and for Englishmen everywhere who were 
actually engaged in maintaining British supremacy. 
After a Conference, they would draw up certain ten- 
tative proposals, and call an Imperial Convention to 
draft a final scheme of Federation. This scheme 
should provide for a true Imperial Parliament, to take 
over from the existing local parliaments of the United 
Kingdom all Imperial business. It would place the 
Navy, the army, and the postal service upon an 
Imperial basis. It would establish absolute free trade 
between all parts of the Empire, although it might 
allow certain parts to maintain differential tariffs 
against non-British tariffs. It would allow Ireland 
Home Rule, as a matter of course, subject not to the 
United Kingdom but to the British Empire. With 
such an Empire the Americans would have no occa- 
sion for controversy. The frictions that have en- 
dangered the relations of Great Britain and America 
in recent years have grown out of the mischievously 
anomalous political situation of Canada. A unified 
Imperial economic system might soon lead to a Reci- 
procity Treaty between the two English-speaking 

41^ 



Reorganizing the Empire 

Federations that would hasten the advent of the Uni- 
versal Free Trade that all intelligent Protectionists 
anticipate and desire." 

Whatever the British reader may think of Dr. 
Shaw's outline of the reconstitution of our Constitu- 
tion, there are an increasing number of people in this 
country who would be very glad indeed to see some 
very radical changes introduced with a view of restor- 
ing efficiency to Parliament and securing the Federa- 
tion of the Empire. But we must not stray further in 
these speculative regions. 



4J7 



The Americanization of 
the World 



Chapter Third 

Steps Towards Reanion 

It may be admitted by all, even those who are least 
favorable to the idea of complete reunion, that it would 
be well to keep the ideal of reunion before our eyes, 
if only in order to minimize points of friction and to 
promote co-operation in the broad field in which our 
interests are identical. Even if we cannot have the 
reunion, we might have the race alliance. This being 
the case, we may devote the concluding chapter in this 
book to a discussion of some of the suggestions which 
have been made for the promotion of a sense of race 
unity, whether or not we regard the ultimate goal as 
one that is within the reach of ourselves or of our 
descendants. 

As a starting-point in this inquiry, it is well to quote 
the familiar passage from Washington's farewell ad- 
dress to the American people : "The great rule of con- 
duct for us in regard to foreign nations, is in extending 
our commercial relations, to have with them as little 
political connections as possible." 

The advice is sound, but it must not be read as 

418 



Policy of Isolation 

equivalent to an interdict upon all political connection 
whatever. All that Washington said was. "as little 
political connection as possible." Now the irreducible 
minimum of the eighteenth century is quite impossible 
in the twentieth century, when politics and commerce 
are inextricably intermingled. A policy of isolation 
is denied to China, and is even unthinkable in relation 
to the United States of America. At the same time 
the general principle is sound. The fewer points 
there are of political contact the less risk is there of 
political collision. 

Whatever federation, alliance, or reunion may ulti- 
mately be effected, it is a condition sine qua non that 
each member of the federation shall retain freedom 
of national self-government, and unrestricted sover- 
eignty to do exactly as he pleases in every department 
excepting those which are specifically surrendered to 
the central authority. As Mr. Carnegie says : "Each 
member must be free to manage his own home as he 
thinks proper, without incurring hostile criticism or 
parental interference. All must be equal, allies, not 
dependents." 

A good deal may be done, and a good deal is being 
done already, though a good deal more might be done 
towards the cultivation of the sentiment of race unity. 
One of the most simple and obvious suggestions which 
to some extent has been acted upon of late years, has 
been the celebration of the Fourth of July outside the 
area of the United States of America. The practice 
of hoisting flags on the birthday of the American 
Republic has been gaining ground in Great Britain, 

4J9 



A Day of Reunion 

and here and there Britons have begun to set apart the 
sacred Fourth of July as a fete day of the race. 

But the proposal to adopt the Fourth as the common 
fete day of the race would be more than the ordinary 
British subject could tolerate, at least just yet. As 
year after year passes, he will come to celebrate the 
Fourth heartily and ungrudgingly ; but if there is to 
be a common fete day of the race, it should commem- 
orate the day of reunion rather than the day of separa- 
tion. It would be easy to lose ourselves in premature 
discussion as to the fete day which would meet with 
the most general acceptance, both in the Empire and in 
the Republic. Shakespeare's birthday is one sugges- 
tion ; the day of the signature of Magna Charta is 
another; but no suggestion that has yet been made 
seems likely to command so much support as the pro- 
posal to set apart the Third of September as Reunion 
Day. 

On the 3rd of September, 1783, the King and Govern- 
ment of Great Britain, in the midst of acclamations 
and rejoicings of the peoples on both sides of the At- 
lantic, acknowledged the independence which had been 
claimed on the Fourth of July, and made peace with 
all the countries that had been involved in the great 
controversy. On that day Great Britain publicly 
acknowledged that her first-born son had reached a 
man's estate, and was fully entitled to rank as a nation 
among the nations. It was the first day that the 
divided race celebrated together the pact of peace. 

The 3rd of September is also a famous day in British 
annals. It was Cromwell's great day, the day of Dun- 

420 



An International Holiday 

bar and of Worcester, the day on which he opened his 
Parliaments, the day on which he passed into the 
presence of his Maker. Cromwell, the common hero 
of both sections of the race, summoned his first Parlia- 
ment on the 4th of July, and his inaugural address was 
the first Fourth of July oration that was ever delivered. 
It was instinct with the conviction of the reality of the 
providential mission of the English-speaking race. 
In his own words : "We have our desire to seek heal- 
ing and looking forward than to rake into sores and 
look backwards." 

Many suggestions have been made as to the outward 
and visible sign by which the approximation of the two 
races could be symbolized to mankind. When Earl 
Grey, in 1896, was going out to the Cape to take up 
the Government of Rhodesia, he noticed on the arm of 
a steward in the Dunottar Castle a somewhat curious 
tattooed device, with the description of "Hands all 
round." On asking to look at it more closely, he 
found that there was a ship in full sail in the centre, 
with a device of flags, one the Union Jack, the other 
that of New South Wales. 

The motto seemed so apposite that he copied the 
design from the sailor's arm, and sent it on to me with 
the suggestion that "this might serve as an outward 
and visible sign of the unity of the race." By sub- 
stituting a mail steamer for the full-rigged sailing- 
ship, and replacing the flag of New South Wales by 
the Stars and Stripes, the resulting escutcheon may 
be commended for consideration to the citizens of both 
countries. 

42t 



An Aid to Race Unity 

One thing that might be done and that at once would 
be the pubHcation of more American news in the 
Enghsh papers. I do not refer so much to telegrams, 
inadequate as our service is from the other side, but I 
refer rather to the publication of special articles deal- 
ing with the immense multiplicity of matters of in- 
terest with which the American newspapers are 
crowded. 

The Americans are much better informed concern- 
ing English affairs than we are concerning the 
social, industrial and scientific movements of the 
United States. The news that reaches us from Amer- 
ica is almost entirely confined to market quota- 
tions and political elections. The electoral struggles 
between parties in either country are as a rule the most 
uninteresting items of news that could be chronicled 
in the other. 

When I was in Chicago, seven years ago, I was 
much impressed by the immense superiority of the 
European news service of the Chicago papers to the 
American news service of the London papers. The 
Chicago citizen on Sunday morning would find as a 
rule three special correspondents' letters from London, 
one from Paris, and one from Berlin, telegraphed the 
previous night, each of the length of a column or 
more, giving a very intelligent, brightly written sketcli 
of the history of the week. 

We have nothing approaching to that from the other 
side in any of our English papers. I remember tak- 
ing note, for six months after I came from Chicago, 
of all the items of Chicago news that appeared in the 

422 



International Citizenship 

lEnglish papers. I think in the six months there was 
only one telegram, which gave a brief and misleading 
account of a regulation said to have been adopted by 
the City Fathers against the use of bloomers by lady 
cyclists in the city parks. 

That was literally the only item of information 
which reached this country concerning the life of the 
second greatest city in the United States. There is 
no disinclination- on the part of the British public to 
read American news. The fault lies solely with those 
who purvey it. 

Passing from matters which lie within the scope 
of private enterprise and individual initiative, we come 
to the proposal made some time ago by Mr. Dicey and 
strongly supported in other quarters for the adoption 
of a mutual agreement between the Governments of 
the two countries for the proclamation of a common 
citizenship, so that every subject of the King should 
become a citizen of the United States and every citizen 
of the United States should become entitled to all the 
privileges enjoyed by a British subject in whatever 
part of the world he may happen to live. Mr. Dicey 
put his suggestion in a very concrete shape. He 
said : — 

"My proposal is summarily this: That England and the 
United States should, by concurrent and appropriate legisla- 
tion, create such a common citizenship, or, to put the matter 
in a more concrete and therefore in a more intelligible form, 
that an Act of the Imperial Parliam.ent should make every 
citizen of the United States, during the continuance of peace 
between England and America, a British subject, and that 
simultaneously an Act of Congress should make every British 
subject, during the continuance of such peace, a citizen of the 

423 



International Citizenship 



United States. The coming into force of the one Act would 
be dependent upon the passing and coming into force of 
the other. Should war at any time break out between the 
two countries, each Act would ipso facto cease to have ef- 
fect 

"My proposal is not designed to limit the complete na- 
tional independence either of England or of the United States. 
There would, for the foundation of a common citizenship, 
be no need for any revolution, even of a legal kind, in the 
Constitution either of England or of the United States. 
Community of citizenship would affect not civil, but political 
rights. If the Acts creating isopolity were passed, a citizen 
of the United States would, on the necessary conditions be- 
ing fulfilled, be able to vote for a member of Parliament, to 
sit in Parliament, and, if fortune favored, become a Cabinet 
Minister or a Premier. He might aspire, did his ambition 
lead in that direction, to the House of Lords. So, on the 
other hand, a British subject, to whom American citizenship 
has been extended, might, on the necessary conditions being 
fulfilled, vote for a member of Congress, become a member 
of the House of Representatives, or even a Senator. . . . 

"The immediate results, indeed, of a common citizenship 
would be small, but, as far as they went, they would all be 
good. ... It would, further, be an unspeakable advantage 
that this sense of unity should be proclaimed to the whole 
world. The declaration of isopolity would be an announce- 
ment which no foreign State could legitimately blame or 
wisely overlook — that men of English descent in England 
and America alike were determined to safeguard the future 
prosperity of the whole English people." 

This would obviate the necessity of any abjuring 
of nationality when Americans came to Great Britain 
or when British subjects settled in the United States. 
A form of declaration could easily be drawn up, which 
would be equivalent to an oath of allegiance to either 
the Republic or to the Crown, and which would not 
in the least impair the original allegiance due to the 
country in which any one was born. As Americans 
are likely to settle in increasing numbers in this 
country, they are more likely to appreciate the ad- 

424 



Benefit of Common Citizenship 

vantage of such an arrangement than they would have 
been at a time when the migration was all the other 
way. 

They are also likely to appreciate the advantage of 
such an arrangement more keenly the more widely 
they scatter in foreign lands. The more America ex- 
pands, the more handy will it be for the American 
citizen to avail himself of the services of the British 
Consul or British Ambassador wherever he may be. 
After a time, indeed, it might be possible largely to 
avoid the duplication of diplomatic and consular 
staffs. But that is a long way off, and need not be 
considered now. Every American or British citizen 
could avail himself of the help of two officials, in- 
stead of one, and in like manner he could rely upon 
the support of the fleets of both nations for the punish- 
ment of any high-handed wrong inflicted upon him 
in any part of the world. In the Cuban War the pro- 
tection of American interests in Spain was entrusted 
to British diplomacy, and in the South African Re- 
publics to the American Consul at Pretoria. This 
arrangement worked excellently, and there is no 
reason why it should not be carried a step farther. 

We now come to consider whether anything can be 
done to assimilate the laws of the two countries so 
far as they relate to those subjects which are of inter- 
national interest, such as copyright, trade-mark, mar- 
riage and divorce, patents, etc. The first practical 
step towards bringing the Empire and the Republic 
into organic relations with each other would be, accord- 
ing to Mr. Carnegie's idea: — 

425 



A Higher Supreme Court 

"The appointment by the various nations of our race of 
International Commissions charged with creating a system 
of weights, measures, and coins, of port dues, patents, and 
other matters of similar character, which are of common 
interest. If there be a question upon which all authorities are 
agreed, it is the desirability of introducing the decimal sys- 
tem of weights, measures, and coins : but an International 
Commission seems the only agency capable of bringing it 
about." 

After this was done, Mr. Carnegie thinks that a 
"General Council should be evolved by the English- 
speaking nations, to which may at first only be referred 
all questions of dispute between them." 

"Building upon the Supreme Court of the United States, 
may we not expect that a still higher Supreme Court is one 
day to come, which shall judge between the nations of the 
entire English-speaking race as the Supreme Court at Wash- 
ington already judges between States which contain the ma- 
jority of the race? The powers and duties of such a Coun- 
cil once established may be safely trusted to increase. To 
its final influence over the race, and through the race over 
the world, no limit can be set. In the dim future it might 
even come that the pride of the citizen in the race as a whole 
would exceed that which he had in any part thereof, as the 
citizen of the Republic to-day is prouder of being an Ameri- 
can than he is of being a native of any State in the Union." 

Once establish a Court competent to give judgment 
upon specified questions, they would be settled without 
any necessity for passing them through diplomatic 
channels. Appeal would be made to the Court direct. 
Questions coming before the Court should be divided 
into categories. The first would include all questions 
dealing with inventions, treaties, etc., which would 
be decided upon strictly legal lines. 

The foreign offices of the two countries would no 

426 



Protection vs. Free Trade 

more think of interfering with the settlement of such 
questions than the Secretary of State at Washington 
would think of preventing an appeal to the Supreme 
Court. The second category would cover ordinary 
disputes now dealt with by diplomacy. If diplomacy 
failed, a special arbitrator might be appointed to deal 
with special cases. Supposing that we succeed in 
establishing the principle of common citizenship, and 
international conventions governing our international 
relations on the lines suggested by Mr. Carnegie, it 
might be well to stop there, and not carry the prin- 
ciple further at present. But if we ever get so far, 
we shall go further. 

Few things are more certain than that there will 
be a great slump in the principle of Protection. The 
country which can produce more cheaply than its 
neighbor will not be long in recognizing the necessity 
of the principle of free trade. Already the most ab- 
solute free trade prevails between all the States and 
territories composing the American Union. It is 
not inconceivable that the area of free trade may in 
time be extended, not only to the United States, but, 
to all the countries inhabited by an English-speaking 
race. 

There remains the question of whether there should 
be an alliance, offensive or defensive, between the two 
States. When the United States was engaged in the 
war with Spain, the Americans relied very confidently 
upon the support of Great Britain, and to this day the 
belief is firmly fixed in the minds of the majority of 
the American people that the British Government went 

427 



Convenient Alliances 

a great deal further than was actually the case in 
threatening to ally its fleet with that of the United 
States if the European Powers ventured to intervene 
on behalf of Spain. 

The Americans rightly shrink from any entangling 
alliances with Great Britain which would involve 
them in an obligation to sacrifice the benefits of peace 
whenever a hot-headed English minister chose to 
quarrel with Russia, or any other European Power. 
But alliances between nations are capable of infinite 
degrees of intimacy. For instance, the Franco-Russian 
alliance, leaves each Power absolutely free to conduct 
its own foreign policy and to make its own wars with- 
out involving the other in any obligation to depart from 
the policy of neutrality. 

The Franco-Russian arrangement provided that if 
either France or Russia is attacked by two Powers, 
the other party to the alliance is bound to assist its 
ally ; but if Germany attacked Russia, France would be 
under no obligation to draw the sword, unless Germany 
were backed up by Austria. In that case, France 
would have to enter the field. In like manner, if Ger- 
many attacked France, Russia would be under no 
obligation to interfere unless another Power joined 
Germany. This represents a form of alliance which 
secures both parties against an attack by a coalition 
without entailing any obligation upon either to assist 
the other in case of a single-handed war or a war of 
aggression. 

Mr. Arthur White, writing in the North American 



42S 



Convenient Alliances 

Review for April, 1894, suggested the following draft 
of the terms of an Anglo-American Alliance : — 

"Great Britain shall become an ally of the United 
States in the event of any European Power or Powers 
declaring war against the latter. On the other hand, 
the United States shall guarantee friendly neutrality 
in the event of Great Britain becoming involved in war 
with one or more of the European Powers, concerning 
issues that in no way concern the Pacific interests of 
the United States, and in that case the United States 
shall render to Great Britain every assistance, positive 
and negative, allowed to neutrals." 

The Triple Alliance is closer than that between 
France and Russia, but still it is an alliance with lim- 
ited liability. 

The question as to whether it is possible for a race 
alliance to be formed between the various members of 
the English-speaking federation, which would leave 
each member free to pursue its own foreign policy, 
while securing each against an attack from a coalition, 
has been the subject of very thoughtful discussion by 
Mr. Stevenson, who, however, was thinking not so 
much of an alliance between the Republic and the 
Empire as of the familiar idea of an alliance between 
Great Britain and her self-governing colonies. 

Mr. Stevenson, foreseeing a time when the Common 
wealth of Australia will wish to pursue its own foreign 
policy in the Pacific, asks : Is it possible to gratify the 
desire of an independent colony to pursue a foreign 
policy without at the same time compelling the Mother 
Country to support such foreign policy by the armies 

429 



An Ingenious Alliance 

and navies of Great Britain? He maintained that it 
was quite possible. He expressed his approval of 
such an alliance between Great Britain and the self- 
governing colonies, whereby they could make peace or 
war of their own accord, without endangering the 
Mother Country or the colonies. 

His suggestion was very ingenious. He proposed 
that when the great self-governing colonies should 
arrive at man's estate, they should be allowed each in 
its own zone to act as independent and sovereign 
States in making peace or war, and in concluding 
treaties, commercial or otherwise, with their neighbors. 
In place of the Empire, he would substitute a Solemn 
League and Covenant, by which each member of the 
Imperial Union would be free either to make common 
cause with any of the other members of the Union, 
should they embark upon war, or should be not less 
free to declare their neutrality. The bond between the 
English-speaking nations would be reduced to an 
obligation to guarantee the home lands of the race 
against foreign conquest, and a joint guarantee by each 
and all of the right to neutrality. 

This would work in practice somewhat as follows : — 
If the Solemn League and Covenant had been sub- 
stituted for the Imperial tie, Canada would be free to 
attack France, if she refused to settle the French shore 
difficulty in a manner satisfactory to Newfoundland. 
No other State in the League would be under any 
obligation to help Canada, which could make war or 
peace with France on her own account. But if France, 
refusing to recognize this neutrality, were to attack 
430 



Alliance Possibilities 

Australia or the United Kingdom, every other member 
of the League would be bound to make common cause 
against France in order to vindicate the right of 
neutrality. 

Supposing France, recognizing the declaration of 
neutrality, nevertheless defeated Canada and attempted 
to annex Canadian territory, by right of conquest, 
then all the other members of the League would be 
bound to make v/ar on France to compel her to con- 
fine her compensation to financial indemnity. The 
two great basic principles of the League would be the 
mutually guaranteed right of neutrality and the mutual 
guarantee of the inviolability of all the territory oc- 
cupied by the English-speaking peoples. 

Twenty years ago Senator Lamar said : "Whenever 
America is in need of allies, I will tell you what will 
happen. Some wise British statesman will suggest an 
Anglo-Saxon League, something akin to the League 
in Europe when Henry IV. ruled France. This will 
not be an alliance offensive and defensive." 

Mr. Secretary Hay declared in 1897 that: "It is a 
sanction like that of religion which binds us to a sort 
of partnership in the beneficent work of the world. 
Whether we will it or not, we are associated in that 
work by the very nature of things, and no man and no 
grovip of men can prevent it. We are bound by a tie 
which we did not forge, and which we cannot break. 
We are joint ministers of the same sacred mission of 
liberty and progress, charged with duties which we 
cannot evade by the imposition of irresistible hands." 

If the reunion of the race is written in the book of 

43J 



A Supreme Power Necessary 

Destiny, then in vain do we strive against it. The bene- 
fits likely to accrue to the world from such a reunion 
are naturally more obvious to the English-speaking 
communities than to those which lie outside the pale. 
But one of the strongest expressions of sympathy with 
the aspiration of the race for a higher unity came from 
a foreign observer, who, under the name of Nauticus, 
contributed a notable article on the subject to the Fort- 
nightly Review in 1894. He deplored the schism be- 
tween the United States and Great Britain on the 
ground that it divided and weakened the expression 
of the Anglo-Saxon will, for he declared himself per- 
suaded that this Anglo-Saxon will ought to have upon 
the world in future an even greater influence than it 
had in the past. 

The world, he said, could well afford "to place its 
confidence in the integrity and fairness of the Anglo- 
Saxon race. For the sake of peace and disarma- 
ment it seems necessary that some superior power 
should be created. Such a re-united Anglo-Saxondom 
would be a supreme sea-Power of the world," and as 
such could give an extension to the rights of neutrals 
which, in his opinion, would render war impracticable. 
He said : "It is not merely that the combined navies 
would be strong. Far more weighty are the consider- 
ations that the British Empire and the United States 
share between them nearly all the work of providing 
other countries with the food, raw material and manu- 
factures which those countries cannot provide at home, 
and of carrymg the ocean-borne trade of the world. 
Why should not your combined navies declare war, re- 

432 



The Anglo-Saxon Should Dominate 

fuse henceforth to acknowledge the right of any civil- 
ized Power to close her ports or the ports of another 
Power by blockading or otherwise? Surely that would 
sound the knell of war." 

Mr. A. W. Tourgee, writing in the Contemporary 
Reviezv two years ago, said : — 



"An alliance between the great branches of the Anglo- 
Saxon family means the creation of a world-power against 
which it is not only impossible that any European combina- 
tion should make headway, but it will have such control of 
the commercial and economic resources of the world as to 
enable them to put an end to war between the Continental 
Powers themselves without mustering an army or tiring a 
gun. Whether they desire it or not, the necessities of the 
world's life, the preservation of their own political ideals, 
and the commercial and economic conditions which they con- 
front, must soon compel a closer entente between these two 
great peoples. They are the peacemakers of the Twentieth 
.Century, the protectors of the world's development, the pro- 
tectors of free independence and of the weak nationalities of 
the earth." 



Writing his book on the "Rise of the Empire," Sir 
Walter Besant thus defined his conception of the great 
reconciliation which he believed would some day take 
place between the United States and the British 
Empire. 

"The one thing needful is so to legislate, so to speak 
and write to each other that this bond may be strength- 
ened and not loosened. We want, should a time op- 
portune arrive, to separate only in form. We want 
an everlasting alliance, offensive and defensive, such 
an alliance as may make us absolutely free from the 
fear of any other alliance which could crush us." 

433 



Sir George Grey 

Sam Slick, in his homely fashion, hit the nail 
on the head long ago, when, in his "Wise Saws," he 
said : — 

"We are two great nations, the greatest by a long chalk 
of any in the world, speak the same language, have the same 
religion, and our Constitution don't differ no great odds. We 
ought to draw closer than we do. We are big enough, ugly 
enough, and strong enough, not to be jealous of each other. 
United we are more nor a match for all the other nations put 
together. Single we could not stand against all, and if one 
was to fall, where would the other be? Mournin' over the 
grave that covers a relative whose place can never be filled. 
It's authors of silly books, writers of silly papers, and dema- 
gogues of silly parties, that help to estrange us. I wish there 
was a gibbet high enough and strong enough to hang up all 
those enemies of mankind." 

A cool observer, who for a long time was a Nestor 
among Colonial statesmen, Sir George Grey of New 
Zealand, in his closing years loved to dwell upon the 
future of the English-speaking race. "Here sat the 
people of one language," was a sentence which he 
used on one occasion when, addressing the Federal 
Convention at Sydney in 1891, he indicated in one 
pregnant phrase the territories occupied by our race. 

No man was more free from Chauvinistic passion 
than Sir George Grey, and few men were more unspar- 
ing critics of the shortcomings of their countrymen. 
But in his latest writings he placed his conviction on 
record that, if the reunion were but attained, "it would 
mean the triumph of Christianity, the highest moral 
system man in all his history has known ; and it vv^ould 
imply the dominance of probably the richest language 
that has ever existed. The adoption of a universal code 

434 



An Epoch of Federation 

of morals and a universal tongue would pave the w^ay 
for the last great federation — the brotherhood of man." 
In fine, we had reached an epoch of federation which 
was the new form of human economy : — 

"As its result war would by degrees die out from the face 
of the earth. If you had the Anglo-Saxon race acting on a 
common ground, they could determine the balance of power for 
a fully peopled earth. Such a moral force would be irre- 
sistible, and argument would take the place of war in the 
settlement of international disputes. As the second great re- 
sult of the cohesion of the race we should have life quick- 
ened and developed, and unemployed energies called into 
action in many places where they now lie stagnant." 

For the attainment of the greater unity, Sir George 
Grey suggested that the Governments at Washington 
and Westminster should come to a standing agree- 
ment "that whenever any subject affecting us both 
arises, or when there is any question affecting the well- 
being of the world generally, we shall meet in Con- 
ference and decide upon common action. An Anglo- 
American Council coming quietly into action when 
there was cause, disappearing for the time when it 
had done its work, would be a mighty instrument for 
good." 

There is no necessity for constituting an Anglo- 
American Council for that purpose. If once the prin- 
ciple were accepted, no important question of foreign 
policy would be discussed either at Washington or 
Westminster, without previous consultation between the 
Foreign Secretary or Secretary of State through the 
ordinary channels of diplomatic intercourse. The 
American Ambassador at St. James' or the British 

435 



An Alliance of Self-Defence 

Ambassador at Washington, would always be called 
into Council whenever any decision was taken involv- 
ing the possibility of foreign complications. Such an 
arrangement would be much preferable to that of the 
constitution of an Anglo-American Council as sug- 
gested by Sir George Grey. 

Mr. Carnegie shared the opinion of Sir George 
Grey as to the beneficent influence which would be 
exercised on the world by our reunited race. Such 
reunion, he declared, would give us the future domin- 
ion of the world, "and that for the good of the world, 
for the English-speaking race has always stood first 
among races for peace, plenty, liberty, justice and law, 
and first, also, it will be found, for the government of 
the people, for the people, and by the people. It is well 
that the last word in the affairs of the world is to be 
ours, and is to be spoken in plain English." 

Mr. Carnegie's idea, which he expounded a little 
more at length in 1899, maintained that patriotism of 
race involved a mutual alliance limited for the pur- 
poses of self-defence. "The present era of good feel- 
ing," he said, "means that the home of Shakespeare and 
Burns will never be invaded without other than native- 
born Britons being found in its pavements. 

"This means that the giant child, the Republic, is not 
to be sat upon by a combination of other races, and 
pushed to its destruction without a growl coming from 
the old lion, which will shake the earth, but it will not 
mean that either the old land or the new binds itself 
to: support the other in all its desig-ns, either at home 
or abroad, but that the Republic shall remain the friend 

436 



The Danger of Pride 

of all nations and the ally of none, that being free 
to-day of all foreign entanglements, she shall not 
undertake to support Britain who has these to deal 
with." 

Sir Walter Besant was not less sanguine as to the 
good results which would follow when the six great 
nations — Britain, the United States, Canada, Australia, 
New Zealand and South Africa, were united in a fed- 
eration, in which a Board of Arbitration would be 
the outward and visible sign of union. He said : — 

"They would be an immense Federation, free, law- 
abiding, peaceful, yet ready to fight, tenacious of all 
customs, dwelling continually with the same ideas, 
keeping each family as the unit, every home the centre 
of the earth, every township of a dozen men the centre 
of the Government." 

The swelling phrase, "dominion of the World," is 
one at which long experience teaches us to look 
askance. It should be no ambition of ours to dominate 
the v/orld save by the influence of ideas and the force 
of our example. The temptation to believe that we 
are the Vicegerent of the Almighty, charged with the 
thunderbolt of Heaven, for the punishment of evil- 
doers, is one of the subtle temptations by which the 
Evil One lures well-meaning people to embark upon 
a course of policy which soon becomes indistinguish- 
able from buccaneering pure and simple. 

But when all due allowance has been made for the 
danger of exposing the English-speaking man to the 
temptation of almost irresistible power, the advantages 
to be gained by the Reunion of the Race are so great 

437 



An Ideal 

as to justify our incurring the risk. Such reunion, 
to say the least of it, affords the world not merely the 
shortest but the only road by which we can attain to 
a realization of the ideal so nobly described by Sir John 
Harrington, when writing in his "Oceana," he 
asked : — ■ 

"What can you think but. if the world should sec 
the Roman Eagle again, she would renew her age and 
her flight? If you add to the propagation of civil 
liberty the propagation of the liberty of conscience, this 
empire, this patronage of the world, is the Kingdom of 
Christ. The Commonwealth of this make is a minister 
of God upon earth, for wliich cause the orders last 
rehearsed are buds of empire, such as that the blessing 
of God may spread the arms of your Commonwealth 
like a holv asylum to the distressed world, and give the 
earth her Sabbath of years cr rest from her labors 
under the shadow of vour wings." 



438 



The Americanization of 
the World 

Chapter Fourth 

The End Thereof 

I HAVE now concluded a very rapid and most imper- 
fect survey of some of the more potent forces which 
are Americanizing the world. There remains the 
great question whether the processes now visible in 
operation around us will make for the progress and the 
betterment of the world. 

When Mr. Gladstone contemplated what he called 
"the paramount question of the American future" he 
expressed himself with the same sense of awe which 
filled the Hebrew prophet when he had a vision of the 
glory of the Lord and His train filled the Temple. 



"There is a vision." said Mr. Gladstone, "of territory, 
population, power, passing beyond all experience. The ex- 
hibition to mankind for the first time in history of free in- 
stitutions on a gigantic scale is momentous." 

439 



Mr. Gladstone's Questions 

With his inveterate optimism, he declared that he 
had enoug^h faith in freedom to believe that it would 
work powerfully for good: — 

"But together with and behind these vast developments 
there vi^ill come a corresponding opportunity of social and 
moral influence to be exercised over the rest of the world, 
and the question of questions for us as trustees for our pos- 
terity is, what will be the nature of this influence? Will it 
make us, the children of the senior race, living together under 
its action, better or worse? Not what manner of producer, 
but what manner of man is the American of the future to be? 
How is the majestic figure, who is to become the largest and 
most powerful on the stage of the world's history, to make 
use of his power ?" 

And then Mr. Gladstone went on in his accustomed 
style to ask various questions as to how the influence 
which the American would inevitably exercise in the 
world would be used. 

"Will it," he asked, "be instinct with moral life in pro- 
portion to its material strength? One thing is certain, his 
.temptations will multiply with his powder, his responsibilities 
with his opportunities. Will the seed be sown among the 
thorns? will worthlessness overrun the ground and blight 
its flowers and its fruit? On the answers to these questions, 
and to such as these, it will depend whether this new revela- 
tion of power on the earth is also to be a revelation of virtue, 
whether it shall prove a blessing or a curse. ]\Iay Heaven 
avert every darker omen, and grant that the latest and largest 
growth of the great Christian civilization shall also be the 
brightest and best?" 

To Mr. Gladstone all this pompous detail of material 
triumphs was worse than idle, unless they were re- 

440 



Good and Bad Qualities 

garded simplv as tools and materials for the attainment 
of the hig-hest purposes of our being. To use his own 
striking phrase : — 

"We must ascend from the ground floor of material indus- 
try to the higher regions in which these nobler purposes are 
to be wrought out." 

Those who believe in progress, and those who see in 
the trend of the centuries one endless march of what 
Mazzini described as the "infinitely ascending spiral 
which leads from matter up to God," must perforce 
accept the transformation as part of the great law 
which presides over the evolution of human society ; but 
it is impossible not to recognize that this process, while 
fraught with great and palpable advantages, is not 
wathout its drawbacks. Life's fitful fever will become 
more feverish than ever. 

"The world is too much with us. Getting and 
spending we lay waste our powers," said Wordsworth, 
and the American tendency is to consume the whole of 
our powers in the process, leaving none for the cultiva- 
tion of the higher soul. An English journalist who 
had spent long years in an American newspaper office 
summed up the difference between the two branches 
of the English-speaking race in a sentence. "In Eng- 
land," he said, "you work in order to live; in Amer- 
ica, thev live only in order to work." 

' Each section of the race carries its natural tendency 
to too great an extreme. Both would be better were 
each to contribute of its best to the common stock. 

44J 



American Discontent 

The rush and bustle of modern life, the eager whirl of 
competitive business, the passionate rush to outstrip a 
neighbor or a rival — all these things have their uses ; 
they tend to eliminate the unfit, and to give the sur- 
vivor superior efficiency, just as the speed of the deer 
depends upon the fact that from day to day it is 
hunted for its life. 

But this struggle for existence may easily be carried 
to such a point as to make existence itself hardly worth 
having. The universal experience of the wisest and 
best of mankind speaks with no uncertain voice in 
condemnation of a life that has no leisure. As one 
wise writer said, "if you are always catching trains, 
you have no time to think of your soul." 

A contented mind is a continual feast. But content 
is scorned by the go-ahead American. I have learned, 
said the Apostle, in whatsoever state I am, therewith 
to be content. But, says the eager exponent of Amer- 
icanism, the Americans succeed because they are never 
contented. Divine discontent is very well, but there is 
such a thing as undivine discontent, and there is a good 
deal of the latter in the United States to-day. 

Possibly, when the country is a little older, this tem- 
pestuous eagerness natural to youth may give way to 
a more sedate and tranquil spirit, but at present there 
is very little evidence of that in the United States. It 
not only does not exist, but the American journalists 
glory in its absence. The following quotation from 
an editorial in the New York Evening Journal of this 
year expresses this point of view with an uncompro- 
mising vigor which leaves nothing to be desired : — 

442 



Look on This Picture 

"The nations of Europe, and especially the English, wonder 
at the success of the American people. 

"If any Englishman wants to know why the American race 
can beat the English race in the struggle for industrial pre- 
cedence, let him stand at the Delaware-Lackawanna station, 
in Hoboken, from seven until nine in the morning as the 
suburban trains come in. 

"Far outside of the big railroad station the train appears, 
puffing and panting, and while it is still going at dangerous 
speed, men, young and old, are seen leaning far out from 
everj' platform. 

"As the train rushes in the men leap from the cars on 
both sides, and a wild rush follows for the ferryboat. Not a 
man is walking slowly or deliberately. 

"It is one rush to business; it is one rush all day; it is one 
rush home again. 

"The gauge on the engine tells the pressure of steam and 
the work that the engine can do. 

"The gauge on the American human being stands at high 
pressure all the time. His brain is constantly excited, his 
machinery is working with a full head of steam. 

"Tissues are burned up rapidly, and the machine often burns 
up sooner than it should. The man bald and gray in his youth ; 
the man a victim of dyspepsia, of nervousness, of narcotics 
and stimulants, is a distinct American institution. He is an 
engine burned out before his time ; but his work has been 
done, and that the great locomotive works. The American 
Mother, is for ever supplying the demand for new engines to 
be run at dangerously high speed. 

"The American succeeds because he is under high pressure 
always, because he is determined to make speed even at the 
risk of bursting the boiler and wrecking the machine." 

This is an unlovely spectacle, which seems to those 
of us who are not without sympathy with the strenu- 
ous Hfe, very much hke a vision of hell. 

443 



And on This 

How great a contrast to the calm, philosophic 
life of thought, which is the ideal of the Eastern 
Sage! 

"The East bowed low in solemn thought 
In silent deep disdain, 
She heard the legions thunder past. 
Then plunged in thought again." 

In Asia whole populations have learned the lesson 
that life is better spent in the contented possession of a 
few things than in the mad rush after many. There 
is a wealth which arises from the fewness of our 
wants, as well as a wealth that is measured by the 
amplitude of our resources. 



" 'Tis not all of life to live. 
Nor all of death to die," 



and the solemn inquiry still holds — "What shall it 
profit a man, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose 
his own soul ?" 



»?^ «^ e^ 



444 



Index 



Abbey, E. A.. 305- , ,,^ ^ 
Adams, Brooks, on the West 

Indies, 72. 
Adams. Francis, on Australia, 

136. 

AFRICA: 

South Africa: 
A Second Ireland, 31. 
The Jameson Conspiracy, 

51-61. 
Pr-sident Krugcr and the 
Outlanders, 51-61. 
British Incompetence in 

S. Africa, 58-61. 
The Native Question, 61. 
Military Despotism, 63- 

65- . ^ 
Federation, 03. 
The Diamond Mines, 68, 

375- 
The Canadian Contingent 

in the War, 95-96, 109, 

117, 121. 
The Australian Contin- 
gent in the War, 131- 

138. 
Portugal and Delagoa 

Bay, 66-67. 
Germ.any and S. Africa, 

66-67. 
The Americanization of 

S. Africa, 51-69. 
England in Egypt. 236- 

237- 

The Cape to Cairo Rail- 
way, 362. 

The American Missions 
in Africa, 197. 



Aguinaldo, 202. 
Alaskan Dispute. 242. 
Alexander, J. W., 307- 
Aman-Jean, E., on American 

Art, 308-309- 

AMERICA (see also Canada, 

Newfoundland, United 

States, Central America, 

South America, etc. ) : 

America under European 

Powers, 243-244. 
Pan-/vmerican Arbitration, 
248-258. 
AMERICANIZATION OF 
THE WORLD: 
Great Britain, 1-26. 
Ireland, 27-50. 
South Africa, 51-69- 
Newfoundland and Canadri, 

83-122. 
Australia, 123-144- 
Germany and Austria-Hun- 
gary, 163-182. 
The Ottoman Empire, 183- 

198. 
Asia, 199-213. 

Central and South Amer- 
ica, 214-228. 
The American Invasion, 

342-359. 
Summing-Up, 381 -444- 
Reunion of the English- 
Speaking Race, 17-50, 

418-438. 
Andrews, Mrs. Elizabeth. 212. 
Arbitration. International, see 

under Peace Movement. 
Architecture in the United 

States, 309, 

445 



Index 



ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: 
The Latin Population, 219 

220. 
British Capital, 218. 
Argentine for the Germans, 
223. 
Argyle, Duke of, 

On England and the United 

States, 157. 
On Germany and the Ar- 
gentine Republic, 222,. 
On the French Canadians, 
106. 
Armenia : American Missions. 

191-192. 
Art of the United States, 294- 

295. 304-310. 
Asia, Americanization of, 199- 

213. 
Astor, W. W., 330. 
Astronomy, 313. 
Athletics in America, 340- 

341- 
Atkinson, Edw.. on the Pur- 
chase of New Brunswick, 
Nova Scotia, and Prince 
Edward Island by the 
United States, 104. 
'Atlantic Monthly quoted. 180. 
AUSTRALASIA and the 
Australian Commonwealth 
(see also New Zealand) : 
The New Commonwealth ; 

Map, 154- 

The Constitution, 127-129. 

The Australian High Court 

and the Privy Council, 

125-126. 

Marriage and Divorce 

Laws, 127. 
Population, 130-141. 
German Emigration to 

Australia. 140-142. 
The Question of Colored 
Labor, 131-133. 

446 



The Tariff, 124. 

The Australian Contingent 

in S. Africa, 55, 56. 
The Americanization of 

Australia, 123-144. 
A Monroe Doctrine for the 

Pacific. 128-130. 
The Case of 1<Iqw Guinea 

128. 

America in the Pacific, 199- 
205. 

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: 
Germany and Austria, 15. 
Tariffs, 177-178. 
The Americanization of 
Austria-Hungary, 175. 
177- 
Avcnir du Nord quoted, iii- 
112. 

Babcock. K. C, on the Scan- 
dinavians in the United 
States, 158. 

Bachmetieff, M., 185. 

Bahamas, 71. 

Bakewell, Mr., on New Zea- 
land, 143. 

Balfour, A. J., 

On England and America. 

16. 
On Coercion in Ireland, 99. 

Balkan States, 183-198. 

Ball, Sir Robert, on Amer- 
ican Astronomy, 313. 

Banana-Growing in Jamaica, 
74- 

Bancroft, George, on the Pop- 
ulation of the United 
States, 151. 

Earbadoes, 71. 

Bayard, T. F., on Canada 
and the American Civil 
War, 95. 



Index 



Beechcr, Rev. Henry Ward, 
267, 274. 

Belgium, Prince Albert of, on 
the American Invasion, I79- 

Bellamy, Edward, 289. 

Bennett. James Gordon. 329. 

Berlin Americanized, 164. 

Berlin Congress and Berlin 
Treaty, 187-188. 

Bermuda, ^i. 

Besant, Sir Walter, on Anglo- 
American Reunion, 414- 

433- 4.7. 
Beveridge, Senator, on Amer- 
ican Expansion, 203-204. 
Bildt. Baroness de, 310- 
Bismarck, Prince, on German 
Unity, 15- , 

Boating in America. 3M-3?,o 
Bosan de Perigord and Tal- 
leyrand, Countess, 328. 
Boston Journal quoted, 79. 
Bonrinot. Sir J. G., referred 

to, 109. 
Brazil for the Germans, lOb- 

167, 224. 
Bridge Buildmg. .30i-.^03. 
British Empire, see Colonies 

and Empire. 
Brooks, Sydney, on a Euro- 
pean Customs Union, 180. 
Brougham, Lord, quoted, 270. 
Bryan, Col. C. P., on Brazil, 

224. 
Bryce, James, on the Ameri- 
can Constitution. 24. 
Bulgaria, Principality of, 185- 

100. 
P.ushnell, Dr. Kate, 212. 
Byron, Lord, quoted, 260. 

CANADA: 

The Constitution of the Do- 
minion, 119. 



The Right of Secession, QI. 
Population, 92-120. 
The Irish in Canada, 99- 
The French-Canadians, 105- 

Treatment of the Indians, 

120. 
Mineral Wealth, loi. 
The Klondyke Gold Mines, 

104. 
The Question of Tariffs, 94- 

117- ... 

The Americanization of 

Canada, 92-122. 
The Question of Annexa- 
tion by the United States, 
ITO-122. 
Fisheries Dispute between 
Nova Scotia and Massa- 
chusetts, 103. 
Suggested Purchase of New 
Brunswick, Nova Scotia, 
and Prince Edward Isl- 
and by the United States, 
104. 
Canadians and the Ameri- 
can Civil War, 94-95- 
Canadians and the War in 
S. Africa, 95. 9^> ^^' 
117, 121. 
The Duke of Cornwall and 
York's Visit to Canada, 
III. 
Canals, see Nicaragua, Pan- 
ama. 
Canevaro, Adm., on Ameri- 
can Competition, 179- 
Canning. George, and the 

Monroe Doctrine, 230. 
Carnegie, Andrew : 
On Canada, 114-117- 
On International Arbitra- 
tion, 251. 
On the Mineral Resources 
of Great Britain, 356- 



447 



Index 



On Anglo-American Feder- 
ation, 406-411, 419, 425- 
426. 436. 
Other References, 330-333, 
362-363. 
Catholic Church : 
The French in Canada, 105- 

112. 
The CathoHcs in America, 
255-258, 261, 274, 275. 
^ Catholic Missions, 198. 
Centennial quoted, 141. 

CENTRAL AMERICA: 
Map, 247. 
Statistics, 219-220. 
The Americanization of 

Central America, 225-228. 
The Isthmian Canal, 22^- 

228. 

The Monroe Doctrine, 229- 

247. 

Chamberlain, Joseph. 
His South African Policy, 

51-69. 
His Policy in the West In- 
dies, 70-82. 
His Attitude to Australia, 

123-128, 132. 
On the Right of Secession, 

91. 
Other References, 376. 400. 
Chamberlain, Mrs. Joseph 

326. 
Chicago Record-Herald quot- 
ed. 186. 
Chili, 218. 

Chimay and Caraman, Prin- 
cess de, 327. 

CHINA : 
The Crisis in China, 206. 
The United States and' 

China, 206-208. 
The American Mission- 
aries. 208, 212. 

448 



Choate, J. H.. on American 
Democracy, 393. 

Christian Endeavor Move- 
ment, 272-273. 

CHURCH AND CHRISTI- 
ANITY: 

Christians and Jews, 3. 
The Catholics in Canada, 

104- I 12. 
The Catholics in America. 

255-258, 261, 274, 275. 
Religion in the United 

Slates, 255-275. 
Foreign Missions, see Mis- 
sions (Foreign). 
Churchill, Lord Randolph, 

323-326. 
Civil War of America: Atti- 
tude of Canada, 94. 
Clark, Rev. F. E., 273. 
Clark, Prof. J. B., 378. 
Clarke, Sir Edward, on Mur- 
der for Profit. 203. 
Cleveland, President, 58. 
Clubs for Americans in Lon- 
don, 33T. 
Cobden, Richard. 
On America, 412-413. 
On the Americans and Tur- 
key, 193. 
On Education in America. 
384-385. 
Cockbi:rn. Sir John, on the 
Australian Constitution. 
126. 
Coghlan. Mr., on the Popula- 
tion of Australia. 139. 

COLONIES AND THE 
BRITISH EMPIRE: 

The British Constitution, 
18-26. 

Great Britain and Her Col- 
onies, 429-431. 



Index 



Population and Area 4-I-'. 

Finance, 11-12. 

The Americanization of 

England, I7--5- 
The British in America, 43. 
The Americanization of Ire- 
land, 27-50. 
The Government of Ire- 
land, 27-50. 
The Irish in America, 41- 
The South African Ques- 
tion, 51-60. 
The Case of the West In- 
dies, 70-82. 
Newfoundland and Canada, 

83-122. 
Australia and New Zea- 
land, 123-144. 
Anglo-American Reunion, 
17-50, 396-438- 
Conger. E. H., 208. 
Contemporary Rcz'iciv quot- 
ed, 50, 415-416, 433- 
Cooper, J. Fenimore, 284. 
Corea: Openings for Ameri- 
can Capital. 211. 
Cornwall and York. Duke of. 
in Canada, 1 1 1 ; in New 
Zealand, 143. 
Cornwallis-West. Mrs. Geo., 

326. 
Coyle, E. J., on the Forno-i 
Elements in the United 
States, 158. 
Croker, Richard, 
On Expansion. 205. 
Other References, 42. 3:,S. 
Cromwell Oliver, 71- 4^0- 

421. 
Crucible of Nations (m the 

United States), 145-160. 
Cuba: The American Protec- 
torate, 45i 76, 79-80. 
Cummins, Mr., on the Ameri- 
can People, 147- 



Cunnliff. Mr., quoted, 367- 
368. 

Curtis, W. E., on the Ameri- 
can Missions in Bulgaria, 
186. 

Curzon, Lord, Viceroy of In- 
dia, 213. 

Curzon, Lady, of Kedleston. 
326. 

Davies, Prof. H., on Canada, 
Ii3. 

Delagoa Bav, 66-67. 

Democracy in the United 
States, 393-394- 

Denmark and the West In- 
dies, 243-245. 

Depew, Chauncey M., on 
American Railways, 369. 

Derby, 15th Earl of, on An- 
glo-American Reunion, 402. 

Deutsche Revue, quoted, 223. 

Diamond Mines of Kimber- 
ley, 68, 375- ^ 

Dicey, Mr., on Common Citi- 
zenship, 423-424. 

Dillon, Dr. E. J.. 402. 

Dominica, 72. 

Dryden, Mr., Canadian in 
Dakota. 

Dufferin. Marquis of, on the 
American People, 318. 

Dufify, Sir C. Gavan, on Aus- 
tralia, 137- 

Durham, ist Earl of, and His 
Mission to Canada, 105. 

East Indies, Dutch Posses- 
sions. 129-130- 

Education in England andjn 
the United States. 384-3<-'o- 

Egypt: English Administra- 
tion. 236-237. 

Emerson, Ralph Waldo 279. 

Emigration to the United 
States, 156-158. 

449 



Index 



Empire, see Colonies and Em- 
pire. 

Engineering. Locomotives, 
&c., American Competition 
with England, 342-359, 360- 
371- 

English Language in the 
United States, 157-160, 302. 

303- 
English People ; a Composite 

Race, 148. 
English-Speaking World : 
The United States and the 

British Empire, 1-3. 
Basis for Reunion, 17-26. 
Steps Towards Reunion, 

17-25, 418-438. 
The Americanization of the 
World, see Americaniza- 
tion. 
Entwhistle. Edward, 360. 
d'Estournelles de Constant, 

Baroness, 319. 
Europe. Americanization of, 

161-182. 
Evans, Mr., on Canada, 92. 

Finance (see also Tariffs un- 
der Protection) : 
Finance of the British Em- 
pire and of the United 
States, 11-12. 
American Competition, 342- 
380. 
Finney, Prof., 268. 
Finot, Jean, on the American 

Plutocracy, 322. 
Fisheries Disputes : 
France and Newfoundland. 

83-92. 
Nova Scotia and Massachu- 
setts, 113. 
Foraker Act in Porto Rico. 

Ford, Patrick, referred to, 41. 
450 



Fortnightly Rcviciv quoted, 

432. 
Forum quoted, 158. 

FRANCE: 

Population, Finance, &c., 

11-12. 
France and Newfoundland, 

83-92. 
France and Canada, 105- 

115- 

A Franco-Russian Alliance, 
428-429. 
Franklin, Benjamin. 278. 
Frechette, Louis, on the 

United States and Canada, 

no. 
Froiidniblatt quoted, 175. 
Furness, Sir Christopher, on 

the Trust, 377. 

Gage, Lyman J., on Ameri- 
can Ships, 374. 
George III. and the American 

Colonies, 6, 21, 401-407. 
George, Henry, 

On Australia. 137-138. 
Literary Work. 288. 
GERMANY: 
German Unity, 13-15. 
Germany and Austria, 13- 

15- 
Population, Finance, &c., 

11-12. 
Increase of the Navy. 170- 

171. 
Imports from the United 

States, 169-170. 
European Customs Union, 

Need for a, 161-182. 
Germans as Colonists, 140- 

142. 
German Colonies, 167. 
Germany and S. Africa, 66- 

67. 
Germany in the Pacific, 131, 



Index 



Germany and Samoa, 200. 

Germany and the West In- 
dies, 72. 

Germany and Brazil, 166- 
167, 224. 

Argentina for the Germans, 
223. 

The Germans in the United 
States, 165-166. 

The Americanization of 
Germany, 163-170. 

Kaiser or the Americaniza- 
tion of Germany. 164-170. 
Gladstone, W. E.. 

On the English-Speaking 
Race, 198. 

On England and Eg3'pt. 
236. 

On the American Constitu- 
tion, 25. 

On American Trade Meth- 
ods, 346-347. 

On the American Future, 

439-441- 

Goblet d'Alviella, Countess, 
328. 

Gold Mines: 

S. Africa, 55-64. 
Klondyke, 104-105. 

Goluchowski. Count A., on 
American Competition, 168- 
177. 

Gomez, Gen., on Cuba, 80. 

Gorst, Sir John, on Educa- 
tion in England, 387. 

Great Britain and the Brit- 
ish Empire, see Colonies 
and Empire. 

Grey, Earl, 4.?!. 

Grey, Sir Edward, referred 
to, 73- 

Grey, Sir George, on Anglo- 
American Federation, 434- 
436. 



Guiana, British, 81. 

Griffin, Mrs. Hugh Reid. 331. 

Hague Peace Conference, 233. 

Halle, Dr. von, on the Amer- 
ican Shipyards, 371. 

Hamburg Americanized, 164. 

Hammond, John Hays, 57. 

Harrington, Sir John, quoted, 
438. 

Harris, Joel Chandler, 288- 
289. 

Harrison, Frederic, on Amer- 
ica, 297. 386. 

Hartzell, Bishop, 198. 

Hatzfeldt, Countess, 318. 

Hawaii Annexed by the Unit- 
ed States, 200. 

Hawthorne, Nathaniel, 282. 

Hay, John, 

On the Monroe Doctrine, 

239-240. 
On American Policy in 

China, 206. 
On England and the Unit- 
ed States, 431. 

Hayti, 81. 

Hazeltine, W. M., on Canada, 
115- 

Hearst, W. R., and His News- 
papers, 295-300. 

Hecker, Father, 274-275. 

Helleben, Dr. von, 173. 

Herbert, Hon. Mrs. M., 319. 

Holland in the East Indies, 
129. 

Holls, F. \y., and the Peace 
Conference, 253. 

Holmes. Oliver Wendell, 286. 

Home, D. D.. 270. 

Horses and Racing in Amer- 
ica. 337-339- 

Howells, W. D., 
On the American People, 
147. 

45t 



Index 



Howells. W. D., 
On the Monroe Doctrine, 

231- 
Huskisson, Mr., 360. 

Independence Day, 419-420. 
Independence, Declaration of, 

33- 
INDIA: 

The Americans and India, 

212. 
Ofificial Regulation of Vice, 
212. 
Indians of America, 120. 

IRELAND : 

Home Rule, 50, 415-417. 

Irish Discontent, 28. 

The Irish in America, 41, 

459- 

The Irish in Newfound- 
land. 89-99. 

The Irish in Canada, 99. 

The Americanization of 
Ireland, 27-50. 
Irish Language in America, 

159- 
Irving, Washmgton, 285. 

JAMAICA : 

Cromwell's Conquest, 71. 

Sugar-Growing, 70-82. 

Bananas, 74. 

Exports and Imports, 78-79. 
Jamaica Daily Telegraph 

quoted, 74. 
Tames I. Referred to, 93. 
Jameson Conspiracy in South 

Africa, 51-61. 

JAPAN : 

The Labor Question, 132- 

133- . , ^ 

The Awakenmg of Japan, 

209-210. 
Monument to Commodore 

Perry, 209. 

452 



The American Treaty, 1853, 

210. 
Bombardment of Shimono- 

seki. 210. 
Assassination of Hoshi 
Torn, 211. 
Jews and Christians, 3. 
Journalism : 

American Topics in Eng- 
lish Newspapers, 422-423. 
Journalism in the United 
States, 290-300. 
July 4 Celebrations, 419-420. 

Kaneko, Baron K., on Amer- 
ica and Japan, 209. 

Kasson, J. A., on Reciprocity. 
178. 

Kekewich, Col.. Referred to, 

63- 
Kimberley Diamond Mines. 

68, 37.S. 

Kingsley. Charles, on the 
West Indies. 71. 

Kipling, Rudyard. 203. 

Klatte, Dr. W.. on American 
Music. 316-317. 

Klondyke Gold Mines, 104- 
105. 

Klumpke Sisters, 311-312. 

Korea: Openings for Ameri- 
can Capital. 211. 

Kossuroth. Mrs. W. B.. 186. 

Labor Questions : 

Incentives to Workmen, 

382, 388-392. 
Profit-Sharing and Co- 
partnership, 391. 
Colored Labor. 131 -I33- 

Lamar, Senator, on an Anglo- 
American Alliance, 431. 

Laurier. Sir W., 
On Canada, 99. ^H- 
On Irish Home Rule, 100. 

Lefevre, G. Shaw, on Eng- 



Index 



land and South America, 

217-218. 
Leng, Sir John, on the Patent 

Laws, 392. 
Leroy-Beaulieu, Paul, on a 

European Zollverein, 179. 
Life quoted, 329. 
Lipton, Sir Thomas, 335- 
Literature and Journalism in 

the United States, 276-303. 
Lloyd, Henry Demarest, 289, 

375- 

Longfellow, Henry Wads- 
worth, 280. 

Lowell, James Russell, 
Quoted, 16, 276. 
Literary Work, 281. 

Lynch Law in the United 
States, 156. 

Macaulay, Lord, Referred to, 
161. 

Macedonia imder Turkish 
Rule, 186-188. 

McGovern. Chauncey, Quot- 
ed, 11-12. 

McHugh, P. A., Referred to, 
49. 

Mackenzie, Fred, on the 
American Invasion, 353" 

3?5- 

McKinley, President, 

His Attitude to South Af- 
rica, 66. 
On Canada, 115. 
On Reciprocity, 177-178. _ 

Mahan, Capt., and an Ameri- 
can Navy, 371. 

MAPS: 

Possessions of the English- 
Speaking Race, Frontis- 
piece. 

Europe and America com- 
pared, 246. 



West Indies, Briti.sh and 

American, 68. 
Central America and the 

Rival Canals, 247. 
Australasia, i54- 
Marlborough, Duchess of, 

326. 
Marriage : 

Marriage and Divorce in 

Australia, 127. 
American Wives in Europe, 

318-333- 
Martin, Mrs. Biddulph, 328. 
Maxim. Sir Hiram. 

On Canada. 103. 

On English and American 
Tools. 352-353- 

On Anglo-American Feder- 
ation, 406. 
Mein, Capt., 57- 
Methot, Miss M., 31S- 
Mexico : The Tehuantepec 

Railway, 227-228. 
Milner, Lord, and S. Africa, 

51-61, III. 
Mines : 

Kimberley Diamonds, 68, 

375- 
Gold in S. Africa, 55-64- 
Gold of Klondyke, 104. 
Mines of Canada. loi. 
Minto. Earl of, in. 
Missions, Foreign, 

Missions of the English- 
Speaking World ; Statis- 
tics, 197. 
American Missionaries in 

Turkey. &c., 183-198. 
American Missionaries in 
Asia, 208-212. 
Monaco, Princess of, 326. 
Monarchy and Republic, 17. 
Monod, Mme. Henri, 328. 
M<i!iroe. President James, 
Quoted, 229. 

453 



Index 



MONROE DOCTRINE: 
What the Monroe Doctrine 

is, 229-247. 

The Klondyke Case. 104-105 

The Monroe Doctrine in S. 

America, 167, 215-216. 

229-247. 

The Venezuelan Dispute, 

55-61, 231, 241, 251. 
A Monroe Doctrine for the 

Pacific, 128-130. 
Other Reference, 81. 
Montesquieu Referred to, 26. 
Moody. D. L.. 269. 
Moore. Mrs. Blomfield, 328 
Morgan, J. Pierpont, 

His Purchase of the Ley- 
land Line of Steamers, 
372-37-?. 
Other References, 331. 375- 
Mossouloff. General, 191. 
Motley, J. L., 285. 
Murray, David Christie, on 

Australia, 136. 
Music of the United States, 
314-317- 

National Rcviezv Quoted, 75. 
Nauticus on Anglo-American 

Reunion, 432. 
Navies : 

Increase of the German 
Navy. 170-171. 

An American Navy. 37'^- 

372. 
Negroes of the United States, 

155-156. 
Nevada, Emma, 315. 
New Brunswick, 104. 
New Guinea : Australia and 

a Protectonite, 128-130. 
New York Herald Quoted, 

173- , „ 

New York Journal, &c., 295- 
299. 

454 



NEW ZEALAND: 

An Independent Communi- 
ty, 144. 

Visit of the Duke of Corn- 
wall and York, 143. 

New Zealand and the Pa- 
cific, 130. 

The United States and New 
Zealand, 142-143. 

NEWFOUNDLAND: 

The Americanization of 

Newfoundland, 83-91. 
France and the Fisheries, 

83-91. 
The Irish in Newfound- 
land. 89-90. 
Nicaragua Canal, 225-228. 
NinctccntJi Century Quoted, 

47, 14?. 297, 408. 

Nonconformists in the United 

States, 264-267. 
North American Reviezv 

Quoted, 157, 406, 428. 
Nova Scotia, 93-T05. 
Novoye Vrcniya Quoted, 14. 

O'Brien. William, on Ireland 
and America, 47. 

Olney, Richard, 
Mr. Olney and the Monroe 

Doctrine, 229-247. 
On War, 251. 

Ottoman Empire, see Turkey. 

Outlanders of the Trans- 
vaal, see imder Africa. 

PACIFIC ISLANDS: 
A Monroe Doctrine for the 

Pacific. 128-130. 
New Zealand and the Pa- 
cific. 130. 
The Case of New Guinea, 

128-130. 
Germany in the Pacific. 
131. 200. 



Index 



The Americans in Samoa, 

200. 
American Annexation of 

Hawaii, 200. 
American Annexation of 
the Philippine Islands, 
201-202. 
The Dutch East Indies, 129- 
130. 
Paget, Mrs. Arthur, 328. 
Pan-American Problems, see 

under America. 
Panama Canal, 225-228. 
Parliamentary ; 
The English Constitution, 

17-^5- 
Monarchy and Republic, 17. 
Colonial and American 
Constitutions, sec under 
C;inada, Australasia,Unit- 
ed States. &c. 
Patent Laws, 392-393. 
Pauncefote, Lord, and the 

Peace Conference, 253. 
Peabod3^ George, 332. 
Peace and International Ar- 
bitration : 
The Hague Conference, 

253- 
International Arbitrations 
in Anglo-American Dis- 
putes, 249-250. 
The United States and In- 
ternational Arbitration, 
248-254. 
Pan-American Arbitration, 
247-252. 
Pearson's Magazine Quoted, 

12. 
Peetz, Dr., on American Com- 
petition, 175. 
Periodical Literature in the 

United States. 300. 
Perry, Commodore, Monu- 
ment to, in Japan, 209, 



Peru, 219-221, 255-256. 
Philippine Islands : American 

Annexation, 44, 201-202. 
Phipps, Mr., 330. 
Pickering, Prof., 313. 
Pingree, Governor, on the 

Trust, 376. 
Pirbright, Lord, on the West 

Indies, 75. 
Poe, E. A.. 284. 
Polo in America, 340. 
Popoff, Mrs., 186. 

POPULATION: 
The World, 8-12. 
The British Empire, 4-12. 
Other European Countries, 

8-12. 
The United States, 4-12, 43, 

92, 151-156. 
Canada, 92, 118. 
Australia, 139. 

PORTO RICO: 

American Rule, 76-82. 

Sugar-Growing, 76-82. 
Portugal and South Africa, 

66-67. 
Prince Edward Island, 104. 
Privy Council, Australia and, 

125-126. 
Proctor. Senator, on Britain 

and the United States in 

Asia and the Pacific, 128. 

PROTECTION AND FREE 

TRADE: 
The Sugar Question, 70-82. 
The Tarifif in Canada, 94- 

117. 
The Tariff in Australia, 

124-125. 
The Tariff in Austria. 175. 
A European Customs 

Union, 174-181. 
Recinrocity, 176-181. 
Free Trade, 343-345- 

455 



Index 



Protection, The Coming 
Slump in, 427. 

Quarterly Rcvictu Referred 
to, 24. 

Racing, &c., 337-339- 

RAILWAYS: 

Railways in the United 

States. 369-370. 
George Stephenson and the 

"Rocket," 360. 
American Locomotives. &c., 
in England. 360-371. 

Redmond, John, 41, 44, i' "• 

Reid, Sir Wemyss, on the 
West Indies, 81. 

Reid, Whitelaw, on the Min- 
isters of the Crown. 22. 

Religion, see Church and 
Christianity. 

Remus, Uncle, 287. 

Republic and Monarchy, 17. 

Reunion of the English- 
Speaking Race. 17-25, 396- 

438. 

Reunion Day. 420-421. 

Rcviczv of Rcviczi's referred 
to, 124. 

Rcviezv of Reviews (Amer- 
ica), reierred to, 300. 

Review of Reviezvs (Austral- 
asia) referred to, 124. 

Revue de Paris quoted, 171. 

Rhodes. Cecil J., 
On S. Africa, 51-69. 
On Argentina, 222. 
On the American Consti- 
tution. 26. 
On Anglo-American Feder- 
ation. 403. 
Other References, 362-375. 

Robert College, 189-102. 

Robert? Earl, and the Army 
in India. 213. 

Rockefeller, J. D., 375. 

456 



Roosevelt. President Theo- 
dore, - 

On Canada and the United 
States. 112. 

On Reciprocity, 178. 

On the Monroe Doctrine. 
229-247. 

On the American Navy, 

37^-373- 
On the Trust, 378. 
Other References, 156, 216. 
Rosebury, Earl of. 

On American Energy. 3"?, 
On Anglo-American R.;- 
union. 399-400. 
Russell, T. W., on French 
Quebec. 106. 

RUSSIA : 

Population, Finance, etc., 8- 

12. 
A Democratic Country. 163. 
A Franco-Russian .\lliance, 

428-429. 
Russia and the United 
States. 
Ryswick. Treaty of. 84. 

Salisbury, Marquis of, on the 
American Constitution, 26. 

Samoa, German and Amer- 
ican, 200. 

San Domingo, 81. 

San Stefano, Treaty of. 187. 

Sandwich Islands : Amer- 
ican Annexation of Hawaii. 
200. 

Sankey. Ira D., 269. 

Santa Lucia, 72. 

Sargent, J. S., 305-306. 

Scandinavians in America. 
305-306. 

Science in the United Statc-^. 
.•^10-314. 

ScicnHfic American quoted. 
386. 



Index 



Segur, Pierre dc, quoted, 171. 
Servia, Kmg Alexander of, 

320. 
Seward, Secretary, on Canada 
and the United States, 92. 
Shaw. Dr. Albert, 

On Home Rule, 50. 416. 
On the British Empire, 415- 

416. 
On the West Indies. 
Sheldon. Rev. C. M., 289. 
Sherman, Senator, on Inter- 
national Arbitration. 251. 
Shipping and Shipbuilding : 
Shipbuilding in England 
and in the United States. 
,371-375- 
The Leyland Line of 
Steamers sold to J. P. 
Morgan. t,7^-M?>- 
Slick. Sam. 286: quoted, 434- 
Smith. Adam, on Anglo- 
American Federation, 397- 
?q8. 
Smith, Prof. Gokhvin, 

On the French in Canada. 

105-108. 
On Canada and England. 

245- 
Sotaro, Iba, Assassin of 

Hoshi Torn, 211. 
Sousa. J. P.. 314- 

SOUTH AMERICA: 

Stati'^tics. 219-220. 

The Nationalities in Latin 
America, 210-220. 

Religion of S. America, 
255-258. 

The Monroe Doctrine and 
S. America. 167. 215-217, 
229-247. 

The Isthmian Canal. 225- 
228. 

British Capital in S. Amer- 
ica. 218. 



Brazil for the Germans. 

166-167, 224-225. 
Argentina for the Germans, 

223. 
American Trade with S. 

America, 216, 221. 
The Americanization of S. 
America. 214-228. 

Spain and Her Colonies, see 
Cuba, Porto Rico, Philip- 
pine Islands. 

Spain. Princess Eulalie of, 
on the American Girl, 328. 

Spectator quoted, 130. 

Spiritualism in the United 
States, 270. 271. 

Sport in America, 334-341. 

Starr, Prof., on the American 
Type, 152. 

Stephenson, George, 360. 

Stevenson, Mr., on Great Bri- 
tain and the Colonies, 429- 

Stockton, Frank, 407. 

Stone, Miss, American Mis- 
sionarj', captured by Bri- 
gands in Macedonia, 183- 
188. 

Stowe, Mrs. Harriet Beecher, 
282-284. 

Sugar-Growing in the West 
Indies, 70-82. 

Summing-Up, 381-444. 

Sutherland. Mr., on German 
Emigration to Australia, 
idi. 

Sydney Bulletin. 56. 134. 136. 

Tammany and the Foreigner 

in America, 150. 
Tammany in Japan, 211. 
Taschereau. Cardinal. 107. 
Tehuantepec Railway. 227- 

228. 
Temperance Reform in the 

United States, 271-272. 

457 



Index 



Temple. Sir Richard, on the 
English-Speaking World, 
compared with Russia. 
Germany, and France, t2. 

Times. 300: quoted, 51. 293. 

Tobacco Trust. ,379-380. 

Tocqueville. Alexis de. 279. 
On American Democracy. 
.193- 

Torn. Hoshi. Assassination 
of. 2TI. 

Tourgee. A. W.. on Anglo- 
American Reunion. 433. 

Trade, see Finance, etc. 

Transvaal, etc.. see under 
South Africa. 

Trend of the New Century, i. 

Trinidad. 71. 

Trusts. .375-380. 

Tsilka. Mrs., captured by Bri- 
gands in Macedonia. 186. 

TURKEY : 

Treaty of San Stefano, 187. 

Berlin Treaty. 187-188. 

Macedonia under Turkish 
Rule. 1S3-188. 

Cantnre of Miss Stone by 
Brigands in Macedonia. 
183-T88. 

.American Missonaries in 
Turkey, etc., 183-I98. 

Robert College. 189-10.?. 

Th? Principality of Bul- 
garia, 185-100. 

The American Missionaries 
in Asiatic Turkey, 19T. 

Americanization of the 
Ottoman Empire. 183-198. 
Tuskegee College. i=;6. 
Twain, Mark (S. L. Clem- 
ens) : 

On Australia, 134-1^-. 

On the American Mission- 
aries in China, 20S. 

Other Reference. 287. 

458 



Twentieth Century and Its 
Trend. 1-3. 

United Kingdom and the 
British Empire, see Col- 
onies and Empire. 

UNITED STATES: 
Social, etc. : 

The United States and 
the British Empire. 
4-12. 

Population and Area, 4, 
43. 92, 154-155- 

The Crucible of Nations, 
145-160. 

The Foreign Element and 
the English Language, 
148-160. 

The British in America. 
148. 

The Irish in America. 41. 
159- 

The German Element. 
153. 154-155. 165-166. 

The Scandinavian Ele- 
ment, 158. 

The Negroes, 155-156. 

Treatment of the Indi- 
ans. 120. 

Loyalty of the American 
Citizen. 28-29. 

Secret of American Suc- 
cess. The. 381-395. 

Education. 384-388. 

Incentives to Labor, 388- 
302. 

Religion, 255-275. 

American Missions ; Sta- 
tistics. 107. 

American Missionaries 
in Africa, 198; in Asia, 
207-208 ; in Turkey, 
etc., 183-198. 



Index 



Robert College in Tur- 
key, 189-192. 

Literature and Journal- 
ism, 276-303. 

Art, Science, and Music, 
304-317- 

American Caricaturists, 
295- 

The Enfranchisement of 
Women, 271-272. 

The Women's Christian 
Temperance Union, 

272. 

Marriage and Society, 
318-333. 

Sport, 334-341- 
Finance, &c. : 
Finance, 11 -12, 342-345. 

Reciprocity, 175-180. 

Trusts, 375-380. 

Trade with Canada, 95- 
103. 

American Capital in Can- 
ada, 101-103. 

American Trade with 
Jamaica, &c., 74-82. 

American Trade with S. 
America, 221. 

Exports to Germany. 169- 
170. 

The United States and 
China, 206-208. 

American Relations with 
Japan, 209-210. 

Korea ; an opening for 
American Capital, 211. 

American Machinery. 

Locomotives, &c., in 
England, 350-368. 

Shipbuilding in America 
and in England, 371- 
375- 

The American Invasion, 
342-J80. 



POLITICAL AND HIS- 
TORICAL: 

The American Constitu- 
tion, 17-26, 126-127. 

The Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, 33. 

The Canadians and the 
Civil War, 94-95. 

An American Navy, 371- 

What the Monroe Doc- 
trine is, 229-247. 

Monroe" Doctrine and the 

Klondyke ]\Iines, 104-105. 
Alaskan Dispute, 242. 

The Venezuelan Dispute, 
2^1, 241, 251. 

Fisheries Dispute be- 
tween Nova Scotia and 
Massachusetts, 103. 

Russia and the United 
States, 185, 206-207. 

Capture of Miss Stone 
by Brigands in Mace- 
donia, 183-188. 

The United States and 
International Arbitra- 
tion, 248-254. 

EXPANSION AND 

AMERICANIZATION : 
American Expansion, 200- 

205. 
American Rule in Cuba, 

76-82. 
Annexation of Porto 

Rico, 76-82. 
Annexation of the Phil- 
ippine Islands, 201-202. 
Annexation of Hawaii, 200. 
America and Samoa, 200. 
The Americanization of 

England, 17-25. 
The Americanization of 

Ireland, 27-50. 
The Americanization of 

South Africa. 51-6.3 

45? 



Index 



Americanization of the 
West Indies. &c.. 70-82. 
The Americanization of 
Newfoundland and 
Canada, 83-98. 
Suggested Purchase of 
Nova Scotia, &c., 104. 
Americanization of Aus- 
tralia and New Zea- 
land, 123-144. 
A Monroe Doctrine for 

the Pacific, '128-130. 
The Americanization of 

Germany. 163-170. 
The Americanization of 

Austria, 174-176. 
The Americanization of 
the Ottoman Empire, 
183-198. 
The Americanization of 

Asia, 199-213. 
America and India, 212. 
The Americanization of 
Central and South 
America, 214-228. 
The Monroe Doctrine and 
S. America, 163, 215- 
216. 229-247. 
Isthmian Canal, 225-223, 
Utrecht, Treaty of, 85. 

Vendlandt, Dr. W., on the 
American Peril, 176. 

Venezuelan Dispute, 231, 241, 
251- 

Vincent, Sir Howard, on S. 
America, 218. 

Vogel, Sir Julius on New Zea- 
land and the Pacific 130-131. 

Waldersee, Counters von, '^ig. 

Waldstein, Prof., on the Ele- 
ments of Nationality. 149. 

Walsh. Rodnev, on the Eng- 
lish Language in the United 
States, 158. 

Washington, Booker, and the 
Negroes, 156. 

460 



Washington, George, Quot- 
ed, 418. 

Wellman, Walter, on Porto 
Rico, yy. 

WEST INDIES: 

British and American Pos- 
^ sessions. Map, 68. 
Tlie Sugar Question, 71- 

73- 
England and the West In- 
dies, see Jamaica, &c.. &c. 
American Rule in the West 
Indies, see Cuba, Porto 
Rico. 
Danish Possessions, 243. 
Germany and the West In- 
dies, 72-7^. 
The Americanization of the 
West Indies, etc., 70-82. 
Whistler. J. McN., 305-307. 
White, Arthur, on Anglo- 
.American Federation, 429. 
Whitman, Walt. 285-286. 
Whitney, W. C, 337-338. 
Wideneos, Mr., on American 

Democracy, 394. 
Willard, Miss Frances, 272. 
Wilson. Gen. James H., on 
the Monroe Doctrine, 234 

WOMEN IN THE UNITED 
ST.ATES: 
The Enfranchisement of 

Women, 271. 
The Women's Christian 

Temperance Union, 272^ 
Scientists, 311-312. 
The American Woman in 
Society, 318-333- 
IV Grid's Work quoted, 365. 
Wright. Carroll D., on the 
Population of the U. S., 151. 
Wu Ting Fang, 207. 

Yachting : The America Cup, 

&c., 335-336. 
Yerkes. C T., 330, 359. 



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